Category Archives: Civil Law

‘Landmark’ verdicts like Chauvin murder conviction make history – but court cases alone don’t transform society

by Jennifer Reynolds, University of Oregon

American courts in 2021 have already handed down several potentially historic rulings, from the Supreme Court’s recent decision restricting voting rights in Arizona and potentially nationwide to a Minnesota jury’s conviction of police officer Derek Chauvin for murdering George Floyd last year.

Cases like these are often called “landmark” cases, because they set forth ideas and ideals that may bring about significant changes in the political and legal landscape.

Many analysts considered the Chauvin trial, in particular, to be a landmark. In it, police officers actually testified against one of their own, which is rare, and the jury held a white police officer criminally accountable for killing a Black man. On June 25, 2021, the judge sentenced Chauvin to 22.5 years in prison for murdering Floyd after he attempted to use a counterfeit bill to buy cigarettes.

People all over the world have followed the Chauvin trial closely, as the culminating event after a year of global protests against police brutality and racism.

Landmark trials may go down in history, but as a law professor specializing in alternative dispute resolution, I know that they do not instantly transform the social order.

Courts are limited in the kinds of disputes they can hear and the sorts of relief they can provide. Moreover, major court cases and other moments of reform in American history often result in legislative backlash and a “recalibration,” as my colleague Stuart Chinn has argued. Those reactions may slow or even undermine the momentum for social change.

And even famously “just” verdicts haven’t necessarily pushed U.S. society in a linear direction toward its constitutional ideals.

Black woman in a face masks cries on a city street, with a hand over her mouth
A woman in New York weeps after the guilty verdict was announced in the Derek Chauvin murder trial on April 20, 2021. David Dee Delgado/Getty Images

Big verdicts, slow change

A well-known example is Brown v. Board of Education, in which the Supreme Court held unanimously that the doctrine of “separate but equal” in public schools violated the 14th Amendment.

The 1954 Brown decision, which ended legal segregation in the nation’s schools, inspired civil rights activists, drew broader attention to the struggle for racial equality and was instrumental in enforcing and encouraging racial desegregation.

But the main objectives of Brown – integrating public schools and leveling the educational playing field – have not been realized.

Many schools are still effectively segregated, in part because of ongoing legal and practical challenges associated with integration. In the 1974 case Milliken v. Bradley, for example, the Supreme Court limited the ability of federal courts to compel integration across school districts. That decision, handed down 20 years after Brown v. Board of Education, has made it difficult if not impossible to fulfill Brown’s promise of integration.

Black journalists read papers touting decision in Brown v. Board
Brown v. Board of Education made front-page headlines seven decades ago, but school segregation remains a problem nationwide. Bettmann / Contributor via Getty

Another instructive example from the same era is Gideon v. Wainwright. In the Gideon case, the Supreme Court held that under the Sixth Amendment, the state must provide attorneys to criminal defendants who could not otherwise afford them.

Following through on this constitutional mandate has proven difficult. Many parts of the country allocate grossly inadequate resources to the defense of indigent defendants. New Orleans’ 60 public defenders, for example, handle approximately 20,000 cases each year, according to a 2017 report.

Without timely access to legal counsel, many low-income defendants languish in jail for prolonged periods before their case gets to trial, while waiting to be assigned a public defender. Others are pressured into unwanted or unjust plea bargains by lawyers buried under crushing caseloads.

Necessary but not sufficient

Law students learn by the end of their grueling first year that trials alone are not effective mechanisms for addressing complex social and political problems.

Yet landmark trials are important. Legal proceedings are opportunities to articulate and reinforce American ideals around equality and justice and to expose bias and unfairness. They calibrate and restrain state power, test the merit of legal claims and create a public record.

Trials are an official public rendering of guilt or liability. Without them, the United States would lose much of the law’s ability to inspire and call attention to social change.

But as the Brown and Gideon cases show, legal decisions grounded in constitutional ideals of equality and justice do not automatically lead to an individual or collective moral reckoning.

Implementing the aspirational ideals set forth in landmark verdicts requires legislation, systems design, negotiation, collaboration, dialogue, activism and education.

Legal alternatives, too, such as restorative justice – which provides both perpetrators and victims with alternative routes to accountability and healing – increasingly are recognized as crucial tools for managing individual disputes and moving society toward greater justice.

Assessing the Chauvin trial

The legal proceedings around George Floyd’s murder aren’t actually over yet.

Still to come are the prosecution of the other Minneapolis officers present at Floyd’s killing and a federal civil rights case against Chauvin and his fellow officers. There will likely be an appeal process, too; legal verdicts can be overturned.

Ultimately, however, the meaning of the Chauvin murder trial within the larger context of the struggle for racial justice will depend, in part, on how people outside the courtroom respond to calls for reform.

A large crowd celebrates the Chauvin verdict outside Cup Foods in Minneapolis, where George Floyd was murdered
Minneapolis residents celebrate the Chauvin guilty verdict at the site of George Floyd’s murder. Nathan Howard/Getty Images

This explains why so many people reacted to the Chauvin verdict with relief and also something akin to dissatisfaction. They realized that one guilty verdict, standing on its own, is not enough to address persistent and systemic inequities in the United States.

Police departments and officers, city officials, activists, community members, business owners, state and federal actors – all of these people share collective responsibility for defining George Floyd’s legacy in modern American history.

Landmark cases are moments in time; legacies unfold over generations. If Americans want safer communities and more ethical policing, the work starts now.

Republished with permission under license from The Conversation.

Debt Collectors Have Made a Fortune This Year. Now They’re Coming for More.

After a pause for the pandemic, debt buyers are back in the courts, suing debtors by the thousands.

by Paul Kiel and Jeff Ernsthausen,

Earlier this year, the pandemic swept across the country, killing 100,000 Americans by the spring, shuttering businesses and schools, and forcing people into their homes. It was a great time to be a debt collector.

In August, Encore Capital, the largest debt buyer in the country, announced that it had doubled its previous record for earnings in a quarter. It primarily had the CARES Act to thank: The bill delivered hundreds of billions of dollars worth of stimulus checks and bulked-up unemployment benefits to Americans, while easing pressures on them by halting foreclosures, evictions and student loan payments. There was no ban on collections of old credit card bills, Encore’s specialty.

At the same time, the pandemic compelled households to cut spending. Finding themselves with enough money to settle old debts, people responded to collectors’ calls and letters. Debt-buying executives couldn’t help marveling at their good fortune. All this created “a perfect storm from a cash perspective,” the CEO of Portfolio Recovery Associates, Encore’s main competitor, told Wall Street analysts.

After its record second quarter, analysts expect Encore to blow past $200 million in profit this year and reward stockholders with 40% earnings growth compared with last year. Portfolio Recovery is set for similar growth. The share prices of both have soared off their early April lows.

Investors didn’t even show much concern when, in early September, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau sued Encore, saying that it had broken the terms of a consent agreement struck in 2015. The agency had previously charged the company with “pressuring consumers with false statements and churning out lawsuits using robo-signed court documents,” as it said at the time. (In a statement, Encore said the CFPB’s recent suit was unnecessary because it had fixed the alleged problems “years ago.”)

In recent months, the only real bad news for debt buyers was that local courts across the country temporarily shut down. Debt collection lawsuits provide a key source of revenue for the companies, a way to extract payment from consumers, typically low-income, who don’t offer it up.

But now even that hiccup is over. After a bit of a lull in the spring, Encore and other debt buyers are back at it, filing suits by the thousands every week, according to ProPublica’s analysis of state court filings.

In August alone, Encore filed about 1,000 suits in Indiana and over 2,000 suits in the metro Atlanta area. Other debt buyers jumped back in as well. In Chicago, Portfolio Recovery filed over 3,000 suits in July, while LVNV, a major debt buyer privately owned by Sherman Financial Group, filed over 2,700 suits in Maryland in August. For all these companies, ProPublica found, the volume was well above the number they’d filed before the coronavirus arrived, in January or February of this year. No national numbers on suits exist.

In statements, the companies said they have been actively working with consumers during the COVID-19 pandemic and only sue as a last resort on a small portion of accounts.

Elizabeth A. Kersey, a spokesperson for Portfolio Recovery, said the company’s hardship program “allows for the suspension of collection efforts for ninety (90) days upon notification of a hardship event.” The company is currently not seeking new orders to seize debtors’ wages or bank account funds, she said.

Ryan Bell, an Encore executive, said, “We have consistently and proactively communicated to consumers the various relief options we’ve put in place in response to COVID-19, including temporarily stopping collections.” The company said it had stopped seeking orders to garnish bank accounts. It is, however, seizing wages.

Sherman Financial did not respond to requests for comment.

If Congress is unable to pass any further stimulus , unemployment is likely to remain high. In that scenario, debt buying companies and the banks that sell defaulted accounts to them expect more Americans to fall behind on their credit card bills over the coming months.

Even that scenario turns out to be rosy for the debt buyers. While good times can mean that Encore collects on more debt than it expected, bad times typically bring a glut of people suffering under loans they cannot repay. The result is that Encore can scoop up the raw materials for its profit machine — defaulted accounts — more cheaply. Or as Encore CEO Ashish Masih put it to Wall Street: The company is “particularly excited about the prospects for increased supply in the future.”

“The same giant debt buyers known for fighting consumer protection laws at every turn have been raking in cash during this pandemic,” Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass, told ProPublica. “They are now licking their chops in anticipation of profiting even more off families who have their hours further cut or can’t find a job, and can’t keep up with their bills or their mortgage. This is disgraceful and reinforces the need for Congress to protect consumers and small businesses from this predatory behavior.”

In recent years, Encore has bought around 2 million to 3 million U.S. accounts per year, according to public filings. Last year, on average, the company paid 8.6 cents on the dollar for each account. For a typical debt of $3,142, Encore paid $271.

To earn a profit on that investment, Encore and other debt buyers pursue debtors in near perpetuity. Encore is still collecting tens of millions of dollars each year from debts it bought in 2009 or earlier. The key to that persistence is the courts.

Since the early 2000s, debt buyers have flooded local courts nationwide with suits. The companies regularly account for more than a quarter of all debt collection cases in a given jurisdiction, according to ProPublica’s review of collection filings over several states.

That disproportionate presence has been particularly apparent in recent months, as the banks themselves have mostly opted to suspend filing new suits. In normal times, Capital One files far more lawsuits than other banks, in numbers similar to those filed by Encore and Portfolio Recovery. But since March, although Capital One continued to seize pay via garnishments secured before COVID-19 struck, it has largely stopped filing new suits.

ProPublica did find one exception among the major banks that commonly file a significant number of suits: Citigroup, which resumed filing suits at its normal levels in July. The bank, for instance, filed over 200 suits in Oklahoma in August, more than it had filed there in January and February combined.

In a statement, Citi spokesperson Jennifer Bombardier said the bank has a special assistance program for customers impacted by COVID-19 and that it is not seeking to garnish the bank accounts of customers it has sued. The bank also did not sell charged-off accounts to debt buyers “for up to 120 days” in the states “most impacted by COVID-19,” she said.

Encore sued Nicole Campbell of Brooklyn, New York, in July. Her first task was to figure out what to do. The suit was over $3,023.76 in debt she incurred years ago with CareCredit, a card offered by Synchrony Bank to people who need to cover medical costs, such as dentistry and eyecare. She knew she should answer the complaint by going to the courthouse, but she was wary of going there during the pandemic and wasn’t even sure whether it was open.

Even attorneys have difficulty finding their way. “Courts have been returning to full operation, but there’s so much confusion as to what’s happening,” said Susan Shin, legal director of the New Economy Project in New York City. “It’s hard to know what to advise people on what to do with their case.”

With help from an attorney with the New Economy Project, Campbell responded to the suit by mail. She’s not sure what to expect next but said she doesn’t have much time to worry about it. She cares for three boys, 5, 11 and 14, on her own and has to figure out how to get them to school on the city’s part-time schedule while helping them with online lessons when they’re home. She juggles this with her own job as a customer service rep: That also has a rotating, part-time schedule in order to minimize the number of people in the office.

“It’s crazy to me they’re filing all this during this time when there’s so much going on,” she said.

Such collection suits are most common among workers with income under $40,000 per year and particularly common in mostly Black neighborhoods. The suits routinely result in judgments, which in turn usually result in attempts at garnishment, according to a ProPublica analysis of Missouri court filings. Past studies have put the number of workers who have their wages garnished each year at around 4 million. In most states, plaintiffs can seize up to a quarter of a worker’s take-home pay or clean out their bank account.

In recent years, when state legislatures have moved to protect more funds from garnishment, Encore has been there to oppose the measures. In 2018, a Connecticut bill proposed to automatically protect up to $1,000 in a bank account. An Encore executive, Sonia Gibson, argued against it, writing in a letter, “Since the average amount we collect through bank garnishments is typically around $700, an automatic exemption of $1,000 would leave us unable to use bank garnishments.” The bill died.

Last year in California, Encore joined with other debt buyers to combat a similar bill that aimed to protect around $1,700.

“It was a really huge fight,” said Ted Mermin, head of the California Low-Income Consumer Coalition and a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law. “And you’ve got to think, ‘Why?’ Who on earth thinks it’s a good idea to take someone’s last dollar? The only people who would do this are debt collectors who have no ongoing relationship with someone.” The bill narrowly passed and became law.

In Washington state, lawmakers last year sought to protect more workers from wage garnishment. Under federal law, earnings above $217.50 in a week are eligible to be seized, a level that has remained the same since 2009 because it’s tied to the $7.25 federal minimum wage. The Washington bill, which ultimately passed, aimed to tie the exemption to the state’s much higher minimum wage, which this year is $13.50 an hour. In 2020, about $472.50 in weekly take-home pay would be protected. That was much too high for Encore. Gibson argued in a letter that people earning that much shouldn’t be “completely exempt from garnishment.”

As an alternative to automatic protections, Encore generally argues that consumers should have to file exemptions in court to demonstrate they really can’t afford to have their money taken. Consumer advocates say that such exemptions, which often exist in state laws, are rarely invoked by debtors because they either don’t know about them or don’t understand the process.

On paper, Randall Ward would seem to be well-insulated from garnishment. He lives in the small town of Marianna, Florida, and state law protects the wages of anyone deemed the “head of household,” which is defined as someone who earns more than half the household’s income and has dependents. Since Ward helps care for his 20-year-old son with Down syndrome and a granddaughter, his pay from his job as a manager at a Waffle House is eligible for protection.

But when Encore, after having won a judgment against Ward the previous year, sought to garnish his wages this past February, Ward didn’t understand that he qualified for the “head of household” exemption. So, starting in March, Encore began taking a quarter of Ward’s take-home pay. The size of the debt, a Citibank card that had ballooned to $5,220 with interest and court costs, meant that Ward, even with what he’s proud to call a “good job,” was in for many lean months.

The only way to make ends meet, he said, was to cancel health insurance for himself, his son and his wife, “because I could not pay the bills if I didn’t do it.”

Then the virus forced his restaurant to close for several weeks and his pay stopped altogether. The family was without income as he waited for his unemployment claim to go through. When, finally, he could go back to work, the garnishments returned. Encore has said in public statements that it looks to work with consumers, especially those who’ve been impacted by COVID-19. Ward said that was not his experience.

“They’re just ruthless about it,” he said. “I would hate to see that happen to anybody.”

Encore declined to comment on individual accounts.

Collection suits can have a lasting negative effect on consumers. A recent study by economists from Dartmouth’s Tuck School of Business and the University of California, San Diego, focused on debtors who, after being sued, agreed to pay in order to avoid garnishment. The settlements left consumers worse off: They were more likely to fall behind on other debts or end up in foreclosure or bankruptcy, the study found. The main reason was that paying up on one debt had drained those consumers’ cash buffer and that left them vulnerable to falling behind on others.

Even in good economic times, low-income consumers live on the edge, so the CARES Act aid was particularly helpful to them. According to a Federal Reserve survey, the temporary $600 boost to weekly unemployment insurance benefits actually resulted in higher pay for about 40% of those who received them. On top of that came the $1,200 stimulus checks ($2,400 for married couples) with an additional $500 for each child.

In July, the Fed found households with income under $40,000 a year had significantly more savings than normal: Whereas last year just 39% said they would have covered an unexpected $400 expense with cash, this summer, 48% said they would.

Debt collectors were a clear beneficiary of those extra funds. According to a survey by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, while most people used the stimulus payments to buy food and other essentials, about 25% used at least some of the money to pay down debts.

But Felipe Severino, a Tuck School of Business professor and one of the authors of the paper on debt collection settlements, said there may be negative long-term consequences for households who used the extra money to settle older debts. The companies say they do not charge interest on the old, charged-off debts they collect so the debts are not growing.

“I would argue it’s not a very good use of their money,” he said. With less of a safety net, those households are more likely to find themselves behind on their bills again.

Furthermore, he said, stimulative government aid like the CARES Act is meant to be “spent and magnify across the economy” in the near term by, for instance, leading to increased purchases at local businesses. That doesn’t happen when the money goes to debt collectors.

The flood of government aid, along with the sudden contraction in spending due to COVID-19, has led to an unpredictable economy, one where unemployment has shot up without the usual tide of delinquencies, bankruptcies and foreclosures. But now, banks are predicting that tide to finally arrive in the coming months.

In July, Capital One reported a loss for the quarter despite delinquencies actually going down. The reason was the bank set aside $2.9 billion as a provision for future credit losses, a kind of safety net for the future.

Encore did not appear to need such precautions. “Our liquidity puts us in a strong position to capture the substantial purchasing opportunity, which we believe is sure to follow,” Masih, the CEO, told analysts.

Republished with permission under license from ProPublica.

How Debt Collectors Are Transforming the Business of State Courts

Lawsuit trends highlight need to modernize civil legal systems


The business of state civil courts has changed over the past three decades. In 1990, a typical civil court docket featured cases with two opposing sides, each with an attorney, most frequently regarding commercial matters and disputes over contracts, injuries, and other harms. The lawyers presented their cases, and the judge, acting as the neutral arbiter, rendered a decision based on those legal and factual arguments.

Thirty years later, that docket is dominated not by cases involving adversaries seeking redress for an injury or business dispute, but rather by cases in which a company represented by an attorney sues an individual, usually without the benefit of legal counsel, for money owed. The most common type of such business-to-consumer lawsuits is debt claims, also called consumer debt and debt collection lawsuits. In the typical debt claim case, a business—often a company that buys delinquent debt from the original creditor—sues an individual to collect on a debt. The amount of these claims is almost always less than $10,000 and frequently under $5,000, and typically involves unpaid medical bills, credit card balances, auto loans, student debt, and other types of consumer credit, excluding housing (mortgage or rent).

For more than a decade, the American Bar Association and legal advocacy organizations such as the Legal Services Corporation and the National Legal Aid and Defenders Association have sounded alarms about worrisome trends underway in the civil legal system. And court leaders have taken notice. In 2016, a committee of the Conference of Chief Justices, a national organization of state supreme court heads, issued a report recommending that courts enact rules to provide a more fair and just civil legal system, especially with respect to debt collection cases. Chief justices of various supreme courts, with support from private foundations, have established task forces to probe the issue further.

However, until relatively recently, these discussions were largely confined to court officials, legal aid advocates, and other stakeholders concerned about the future of the legal profession. In most states, policymakers have not been a part of conversations about how and why civil court systems are shifting; the extent to which the changes might lead to financial harm among American consumers, especially the tens of millions of people in the U.S. who are stuck in long-term cycles of debt; and potential strategies to address these issues. 

To help state leaders respond to the changing realities in civil courts, The Pew Charitable Trusts sought to determine what local, state, and national data exist on debt collection cases and what insights those data could provide. The researchers supplemented that analysis with a review of debt claims research and interviews with consumer experts, creditors, lenders, attorneys, and court officials.

The key findings are:

  • Fewer people are using the courts for civil cases. Civil caseloads dropped more than 18 percent from 2009 to 2017. Although no research to date has identified the factors that led to this decline, previous Pew research shows lack of civil legal problems is not one of them: In 2018 alone, more than half of all U.S. households experienced one or more legal issues that could have gone to court, including 1 in 8 with a legal problem related to debt.
  • Debt claims grew to dominate state civil court dockets in recent decades. From 1993 to 2013, the number of debt collection suits more than doubled nationwide, from less than 1.7 million to about 4 million, and consumed a growing share of civil dockets, rising from an estimated 1 in 9 civil cases to 1 in 4. In a handful of states, the available data extend to 2018, and those figures suggest that the growth of debt collections as a share of civil dockets has continued to outpace most other categories of cases. Debt claims were the most common type of civil case in nine of the 12 states for which at least some court data were available—Alaska, Arkansas, Colorado, Missouri, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas, Utah, and Virginia. In Texas, the only state for which comprehensive statewide data are available, debt claims more than doubled from 2014 to 2018, accounting for 30 percent of the state’s civil caseload by the end of that five-year period.
  • People sued for debts rarely have legal representation, but those who do tend to have better outcomes. Research on debt collection lawsuits from 2010 to 2019 has shown that less than 10 percent of defendants have counsel, compared with nearly all plaintiffs. According to studies in multiple jurisdictions, consumers with legal representation in a debt claim are more likely to win their case outright or reach a mutually agreed settlement with the plaintiff.
  • Debt lawsuits frequently end in default judgment, indicating that many people do not respond when sued for a debt. Over the past decade in the jurisdictions for which data are available, courts have resolved more than 70 percent of debt collection lawsuits with default judgments for the plaintiff. Unlike most court rulings, these judgments are issued, as the name indicates, by default and without consideration of the facts of the complaint—and instead are issued in cases where the defendant does not show up to court or respond to the suit. The prevalence of these judgments indicates that millions of consumers do not participate in debt claims against them.
  • Default judgments exact heavy tolls on consumers. Courts routinely order consumers to pay accrued interest as well as court fees, which together can exceed the original amount owed. Other harmful consequences can include garnishment of wages or bank accounts, seizure of personal property, and even incarceration.
  • States collect and report little data regarding their civil legal systems, including debt cases. Although 49 states and the District of Columbia provide public reports of their cases each year, 38 and the district include no detail about the number of debt cases. And in 2018, only two states provided figures on default judgments in any of their state’s debt cases. Texas is the only state that reports on all types of cases, including outcomes, across all courts. 
  • States are beginning to recognize and enact reforms to address the challenges of debt claims. From 2009 to 2019, 12 states made changes to policy—seven via legislation and five through court rules—to improve courts’ ability to meet the needs of all debt claim litigants. Examples of such reforms include ensuring that all parties are notified about lawsuits; requiring plaintiffs to demonstrate that the named defendant owes the debt sought and that the debt is owned by the plaintiff; and in some states, enhanced enforcement of the prohibitions on lawsuits for which the legal right to sue has expired.

Based on the findings of this analysis and these promising efforts in a handful of states, Pew has identified three initial steps states can take to improve the handling of debt collection cases:

  • Track data about debt claims to better understand the extent to which these lawsuits affect parties and at which stages of civil proceedings courts can more appropriately support litigants.
  • Review state policies, court rules, and common practices to identify procedures that can ensure that both sides have an opportunity to effectively present their cases.
  • Modernize the relationship between courts and their users by providing relevant and timely procedural information to all parties and moving more processes online in ways that are accessible to users with or without attorneys.

In 2010, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) issued a report on the lack of adequate service to consumers in state courts that concluded, “The system for resolving disputes about consumer debts is broken.”1 In the decade since, this problem has not abated and if anything has become more acute. Furthermore, the challenges that this report reviews regarding debt collection cases epitomize challenges facing the civil legal system nationwide. This report summarizes important but inadequately studied trends in civil litigation, highlights unanswered questions for future research, and outlines some initial steps that state and court leaders can take to ensure that civil courts can satisfy their mission to serve the public impartially.


This study involved a three-step approach to analyze debt collection lawsuit trends in state courts and the significance for consumers. To identify common characteristics and potential consequences of these cases, Pew researchers conducted a literature review of approximately 70 peer-reviewed and gray studies and performed semistructured interviews with experts from state and local courts, consumer advocacy organizations, and the credit and debt collection industries. To analyze the volume of debt claims in the United States and the extent to which courts track and report relevant data, researchers reviewed data from the National Center for State Courts (NCSC), including national caseload statistics from 2003 to 2017 and breakdowns of civil case types in 1993 and 2013, the most recent year for which this level of detail is available. Researchers also collected and analyzed annual court statistical reports for all 50 states and the District of Columbia from 2017 and, where available, from 2005, 2009, 2013, and 2018. Pew researchers conducted quality control for each step to minimize errors and bias. For more information, see the full methodological appendix.

Fewer people are using the courts for civil cases

Beginning in at least the 1980s and continuing through the first decade of the 21st century, caseload volume in civil courts was on an upward trajectory.2 After peaking in 2009, however, it began to decline and by 2017 had dropped to levels not seen in 20 years.3 (See Figure 1.)


Court systems in 44 states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico reported total civil caseloads to NCSC’s Court Statistics Project in 2009 and 2017, and of those, 41 systems described lower caseloads over that span, both in raw numbers and per capita.4

A full examination of drivers of the decline in civil caseloads is outside the scope of this analysis. However, evidence indicates that the drop is not the result of a decrease in legal issues that people could bring to the court. A recent Pew survey found that in 2018, more than half of U.S. households had a legal issue that could have been resolved in court, and that 1 in 4 households had two or more such issues.5;

Civil Courts and Available Data

State courts hear cases in five categories: criminal, civil, family, juvenile, and traffic. For the purposes of this report, and in keeping with the way courts typically divide their dockets, civil cases are organized into five categories:

Debt collection: Suits brought by original creditors or debt buyers claiming unpaid medical, credit card, auto, and other types of consumer debt exclusive of housing (e.g., mortgage or rent).

Mortgage foreclosure: Suits brought by banks and other mortgage lenders seeking possession of a property as collateral for unpaid home loans.

Landlord-tenant: Predominantly eviction proceedings, with a smaller subset of suits brought by landlords for unpaid rent.

Tort: Personal injury and property damage cases; medical malpractice; automobile accidents; negligence; and other claims of harm.

Other: Other contract disputes; real property; employment; appeals from administrative agencies; civil cases involving criminal proceedings;6 civil harassment petitions; and “unknown” cases where the case type was undefined or unclear.

Further, state civil courts are tiered based on the dollar amount of the claims they hear:7

  • General civil matters, characterized by high dollar amounts (minimum value of $12,000 to $50,000, depending on the state; no maximum).
  • Limited civil matters of moderate dollar amounts (minimum value of zero to $10,000 and maximum of $20,000 to $100,000, depending on the state).
  • Small claims with the lowest dollar amounts (no minimum value; maximum of $2,500 to $25,000, depending on the state).

State laws dictate the jurisdiction—city, county, state, etc.—in which a plaintiff can file a suit and, based on the dollar amount of the claim, the tier of court appropriate to the claim. Courts that disaggregate their data in annual statistical reports typically report on claims filed in the general and limited civil courts based on the above five case types (or some variation). However, most states do not disaggregate information on claims filed in small claims jurisdiction courts.

Most civil cases today are brought by businesses against individuals for money owed

The most recent national data available show that, as the overall volume of cases has declined, business-to-consumer suits, particularly debt collections, mortgage foreclosure, and landlord-tenant disputes, have come to account for more than half of civil dockets.8 (See Figure 2.) As a committee of the Conference of Chief Justices put it in 2016, “Debt collection plaintiffs are almost always corporate entities rather than individuals, and landlord-tenant plaintiffs are often so.”9


As of 2013, civil business-to-consumer lawsuits exceeded all court categories except traffic and criminal, and that same year, state courts heard more business-to-consumer cases than family (or “domestic relations”) and juvenile cases combined.10 (See Figure 3.)


Although organizing civil litigation cases into discrete categories can be useful for broad analytical purposes, determining exactly how many cases fall into each group is not so simple. For example, some landlord-tenant disputes involve individual landlords rather than companies, so a subset of cases within that category may not fall under the business-to-consumer umbrella. On the other hand, a large share of cases filed in small claims court are low-dollar-value business-to-consumer lawsuits, but because courts typically do not distinguish small claims by case type, the exact proportion is difficult to determine. Accordingly, Figures 2 and 3 almost certainly understate the share of civil court cases that involve businesses suing individual consumers because it treats small claims as a wholly separate category.

Debt claims increasingly dominated civil court dockets

The most recent national data show that, as of 2013, debt collection lawsuits—which most often involve unpaid medical, auto loan, or credit card bills—have become the single most common type of civil litigation, representing 24 percent of civil cases compared with less than 12 percent two decades earlier.11 (See Figure 4.) From 1993 to 2013, the number of debt cases rose from fewer than 1.7 million to about 4 million.12 These figures correspond with an increase in share from an estimated 1 in 9 of 14.6 million state civil cases nationwide (11.6 percent) to about 1 in 4 of 16.9 million cases (23.6 percent)13. Further, in a national survey by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), nearly 1 in 20 adults with a credit report reported having been sued by a creditor or debt collector in 2014.14


Notably, the 2013 data show that 75 percent of civil case judgments were for less than $5,200,15 which means that in most states, debt claims are typically filed in a limited or small claims court. In fact, NCSC observed in 2015 that small claims courts “have become the forum of choice for attorney-represented plaintiffs in lower-value debt collection cases.”16 As was the case for the business-to-consumer cases shown in Figure 3, the data in Figure 4 probably undercount debt claims because they do not include any debt collection cases filed in small claims court.

Only a few state courts have consistently reported data on debt claims since 2013, but the available information indicates that these lawsuits continue to dominate court dockets. For example, in 2018, the number of debt collection lawsuits filed across all Texas courts was more than twice what it was in 2014.17(See Figure 5.) The state’s small claims courts—known as justice courts—alone experienced a 140 percent increase in debt cases over that five-year period.18 In total, collectors filed one debt claim for every 19 adults in the state over that span.19

Similarly, Alaska’s District Court, which tries all civil matters in the state for values of $100,000 or less, heard 48 percent more debt claims in fiscal year 2018 than 2013.20


Pew found that in 2018, only 12 states—Alaska, Arkansas, Colorado, Connecticut, Missouri, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, and Wyoming—reported statewide debt claims caseload data for at least one of their courts on their public websites.21 Virginia, for instance, reports debt claims data for the state’s district courts—which hear cases with values up to $25,000—but not the circuit courts, which hear cases with values of $4,500 and up.22 Despite these differences, debt claims are consistently among the most common types of cases in the courts that report relevant information. (See Figure 6.) However, in light of the limited number of states and courts reporting, more data and research are needed to gain a complete picture of what is happening nationwide and state by state.


Factors Contributing to the Rise of Debt Claims

The increase in debt claims parallels two major national trends: a rise in household debt and the emergence of the debt-buying industry.

Americans’ household debt nearly tripled from $4.6 trillion in 1999 to $12.29 trillion in 2016, roughly overlapping with the period of rapid growth in debt collection litigation.23 Further, as of 2018, an estimated 71 million people—nearly 32 percent of U.S. adults with a credit history—had debt in collections reported in their credit files, and 1 in 8 households across all income levels had a problem or dispute related to debt, credit, or loans.24

Most household debt in collection stems from a financial shock, such as a job loss, illness, or divorce, and reflects the broader financial fragility of many American households. Nationwide, 2 in 5 adults say that, without selling personal property or borrowing the money, they would not have enough cash to cover an emergency expense costing $400,25 and 1 in 3 families report having no savings.26 Medical debt can be particularly devastating and accounts for more than half of all collections activity.27

Unsurprisingly, low- and moderate-income Americans are disproportionately affected by debt collection. A 2017 CFPB survey found that people in the lowest income bracket were three times as likely as those in the highest income group to have been contacted about a debt in collection and that people with lower incomes also were more likely to have been sued for a debt.28

Creditors who pursue consumer debts into collection include banks and credit unions, hospitals and other medical providers, utility companies, telecommunications companies, auto and student lenders, and, increasingly, debt buyers—firms that purchase defaulted debts from the original creditors at a fraction of the face value, sometimes less than one cent on the dollar, and then attempt to collect on the full amount owed.29

Debt buyers are key figures in many debt collection lawsuits and may have played a significant role in the rise of civil debt cases. During the same 20-year time frame that debt claims increased, 1993 to 2013, the total dollar value of debts purchased by debt buyers grew from $6 billion to $98 billion.30 (See Figure 7.)

Debt buyers employ various collection methods, but studies show that they are increasingly relying on litigation.31 Two of the largest publicly traded debt buyers, Encore Capitol and Portfolio Recovery Associates, saw their legal collections grow 184 percent and 220 percent, respectively, from 2008 to 2018.32

As a result, debt buyers are among the most active civil court users, and in some states, a small number of debt buyers account for a disproportionate percentage of civil cases filed. For example, in Massachusetts, nine debt buyers represented 43 percent of civil and small claims caseloads in 2015, and in Oregon, six debt buyers accounted for 25 percent of all civil cases from 2012 to 2016.33


Courts are not designed to respond to the realities of debt claims

Although civil court dockets have changed, the rules they operate on have largely stayed the same. Courts expect both parties to mount a case and present legal arguments so that the judge can make a decision based on the facts.

However, that is not how today’s debt collection lawsuits play out.

Debt claim defendants rarely have legal representation

The U.S. Constitution provides the right to an attorney for most criminal defendants regardless of ability to pay,34 but that right extends to people being sued in civil court only in very limited instances. Instead, civil case litigants on both sides must pay for their own representation, and data show that such representation is on the decline, especially for those being sued. NCSC found that from the 1990s to 2013, the share of general matters cases in which both sides had a lawyer dropped by more than half, from 96 percent to 45 percent.35

In business-to-consumer suits, and especially debt collection cases, most plaintiffs can afford an attorney, and filing multiple lawsuits in a single court can lower the cost per lawsuit filed. Consumers, however, typically have legal representation in less than 10 percent of debt claims. Studies from 2010 through 2019 show that the share of debt claim defendants who were served—that is, provided with official notification of the suit against them—who had an attorney ranged from 10 percent in Texas to zero in New York City.36 (See Figure 8.)


These low representation rates have real-world implications. Without representation, consumers are unlikely to know their full range of options or recognize opportunities to challenge the cases against them.

For example, every state has a statute of limitations for debt collection lawsuits, ranging from three years in Mississippi to 10 in Rhode Island.37 These laws create an expiration date after which creditors cannot use the courts to collect on a debt. However, enforcement of that prohibition typically falls on the defendant rather than on the courts. For example, if a plaintiff sues on such an expired debt, also called a time-barred debt, the defendant must raise the question of a statute of limitations in order for the court to consider whether the case is even eligible to be heard. But without professional legal help, most consumers would not have the requisite knowledge to demand that the plaintiff prove that the case was filed in time.

Of course, even defendants with representation may lose in court if the facts favor the plaintiff. However, analyses from jurisdictions across the country indicate that when consumers are represented by attorneys, they are more likely to secure a settlement or win the case outright.38 For example, a study of nearly 297,000 debt cases in Virginia district and circuit courts disposed between April 2015 and May 2016 found that debt cases were more likely to be dismissed if defendants were represented by an attorney.39 Similarly, a study of over 165,000 debt cases disposed in Utah from 2015 to 2017 found that 53 percent of represented defendants won their cases, compared with 19 percent of those without representation.40

These data indicate that the absence of legal counsel can have serious repercussions for defendants in consumer debt claims. The problem has become sufficiently widespread that in 2016, the Conference of Chief Justices (CCJ) and Conference of State Court Administrators’ (COSCA) Civil Justice Improvement Committee declared that lack of representation among defendants is “creating an asymmetry in legal expertise that, without effective court oversight, can easily result in unjust case outcomes.”41

Debt lawsuits frequently end in default judgment, indicating that many people do not respond when sued for a debt

Why do so few consumers in debt claims have lawyers? One reason is the prohibitive cost of a lawyer. But another, indicated by the outcome of large shares of debt collection cases, is that many consumers do not participate in the lawsuit at all.

Courts are designed to allow the opposing sides to present legal arguments and facts to support their positions, after which the judge, acting as a neutral arbiter, makes a decision based on that information.

What Are the Steps of a Debt Claim?

In most civil cases, the parties follow the state’s civil procedure:42

  1. Plaintiff (e.g., creditor or debt buyer) files a complaint in court and provides notice of the lawsuit to defendant (i.e., person being sued).
  2. Defendant responds with a written answer. If the defendant does not respond, the court issues a default judgment for the plaintiff.
  3. The two parties exchange documents, including discovery (questions and requests for information) and pleadings (written motions and other legal maneuvers).
  4. Court holds one or more hearings and possibly a trial. If a trial is held, parties can present evidence to a judge or jury.
  5. Judge issues a ruling, which either party may appeal.

A judge presides over the hearings and possible trial, but the litigants manage nearly every step before that, and court processes, such as scheduling a hearing, are driven by their actions. Parties can also settle the case at any time by, for example, negotiating with each other or working with a neutral mediator.

For low dollar amounts, small claims courts use a different procedure, originally designed to provide streamlined and simplified proceedings, particularly for litigants without attorneys.43 Written answers are optional, rules of evidence do not apply, and in many jurisdictions, the parties have no immediate right to appeal. The common steps are:

  1. Plaintiff files a complaint in court and notifies the defendant about the lawsuit.
  2. Parties come to court for a trial in front of a magistrate or other judicial officer.

If one side doesn’t participate, however, the process cannot operate as intended. Judges do not independently evaluate the merit of a case before them; they rely on the defendant to argue that the case is invalid. With no defendant to argue, and regardless of the reason for the defendant’s failure to respond, court procedure dictates that the plaintiff wins automatically via a default judgment.44

And default judgments are alarmingly common in debt claims. Multiple studies have shown that more than 70 percent of debt cases end in default judgments:

  • In New York City, 4 in 5 cases filed from 2006 to 2008 resulted in a default judgment in favor of debt buyers.45
  • In five Colorado counties, 71 percent of collections lawsuits filed from 2013 to 2015 by debt buyers ended in default judgments for the plaintiffs.46
  • More than 80 percent of debt claims cases filed by debt buyers in Washington state’s superior court from January 2012 to December 2016 resulted in default judgments in favor of the plaintiffs.47

In these cases, the court has ruled in favor of the debt collector for the simple reason that the consumer has not participated in the case. Although the evidence on why people do not respond to the suits is scant, the available information suggests that three factors drive many of these instances: practical realities of consumers’ lives, unfamiliar plaintiffs, or a lack of notification about the suit.

Some consumers who owe a debt see no value in responding to a lawsuit. For example, the presiding judge of the Maricopa County (Arizona) Justice Courts has suggested that some defendants believe that their cause is futile and simply give up in the face of debts they cannot afford to pay.48 Some defendants may be intimidated or confused by the complexities of the system, while others might be daunted by the prospect of defending themselves if they cannot afford an attorney.49 One collections attorney observed that some defendants choose not to respond because they cannot afford to take off—or do not see the value in missing—work to go to court if they cannot afford to pay the debt, find child care, or secure transportation.50

Observational and interview data reveal that consumers often do not recognize the name of the company that filed the lawsuit. Debt buyers present a unique challenge in this regard because they are not the original lenders. Consumers frequently report not responding because they do not recognize the debt buyer suing them.51

Further, although some consumers may actively choose not to respond to debt claims, many are not aware that they are being sued. Some evidence, including interviews with civil court judges, suggests that inadequate notice is responsible for a meaningful share of instances in which defendants fail to respond to debt claims.52 Many states’ legal requirements regarding conducting service—the process of notifying defendants about a legal action against them—do not include any mechanism for ensuring that people are actually contacted.53 For example, in many jurisdictions, the plaintiff is responsible for serving the defendant with court papers but often only by first-class mail to the defendant’s last known address. Plaintiffs are typically not obligated to ensure that they have the correct address.

Further, in some debt claims cases, bad actors may employ faulty or fraudulent service as a litigation tactic. In California, Illinois, and New York, enforcement actions have been brought against debt claims plaintiffs for “sewer service”—a practice in which a process server knowingly fails to serve the defendant but attests to the court that service was made.54

In its 2010 report, the FTC urged states to adopt “measures to make it more likely that consumers will defend in litigation.”55 Although some states are taking action to ensure that defendants are properly informed of lawsuits against them, many continue to rely on plaintiffs to notify their opponents while providing little or no oversight.56

Whatever the reason for the consumer’s failure to appear, default judgment in debt claims usually means that the court makes no finding as to the validity of the debt, the accuracy of the amount sought,57 or whether the correct consumer was sued, but simply orders the defendant to pay the debt sought. As a result, debt collectors sometimes win cases that feature inaccurate information or are filed after the legal right to sue has expired.58And despite their lack of a factual or legal foundation, default judgments carry the same weight and enforcement power as any other court decision.

Racial Disparities in Debt Claims

Research indicates that debt collections and related lawsuits disproportionately affect African American and Hispanic communities.59 In a study in New York City, 95 percent of people with default debt claims judgments entered against them lived in low- or moderate-income neighborhoods, and more than half of those individuals lived in predominantly African American or Latino communities.60 A similar analysis of court judgments over a five-year period in St. Louis, Chicago, and Newark, New Jersey, found that even after accounting for income, the rate of default judgments in mostly black neighborhoods was nearly double that of mostly white ones.61

Default judgments can exact heavy tolls on consumers

Debt collection lawsuits that end in default judgment can have lasting consequences for consumers’ economic stability. Court and attorney fees can amount to hundreds of dollars, and consumers can face wage garnishment and liens or even civil arrest for failure to comply with court orders. Over the long term, these consequences can impede people’s ability to secure housing, credit, and employment.

"People don’t appreciate the impacts of a small claim judgment. If this is on your record, you’re not going to get a housing loan or a car loan, and it impacts other areas of your life. And all for a very small debt claim."

Peter Holland, consumer attorney MARYLAND

Excess costs

Once a default judgment is entered, the consumer typically owes more than the original debt.62 All 50 states and the District of Columbia allow courts to award debt collectors pre- and post-judgment interest—that is, interest on the money owed before the court judgment and on the judgment amount. The rates vary dramatically across states—from 1.5 percent in New Jersey to 12 percent a year in Massachusetts—and apply only in cases for which the state has not set or does not permit use of a contract rate, which is typically outlined in the terms for credit cards, loans, and other consumer debt products.63

Consumers who find themselves paying high interest rates on default judgments can face an even deeper cycle of debt. For instance, in 2014, a collector in Washington state won a judgment for a $9,861 medical debt. Although the defendant had paid roughly $8,500 by 2019, she still owed an additional $8,500 because of interest—Washington statute sets the post-judgment interest rate at 12 percent—and other costs.64

In many states, a default judgment can also require the consumer to bear court and collector’s attorney fees. For example, one study from Maryland found that on average, courts ordered defendants in debt collection cases to pay principal of $2,811, but court costs, plaintiff attorneys’ fees, and interest added $512—more than 18 percent of the principal—to the total judgment.65

Court-enforced collection

Default judgments grant debt collectors access to a range of legal channels to pursue the debt, including the ability to garnish consumers’ paychecks and bank accounts and to put liens on property. A 2017 study by Automatic Data Processing Inc., one of the nation’s largest payroll providers, found that 1 in 14 U.S. workers were having paychecks garnished, and that among workers earning $25,000 to $39,000 a year, debt collection was one of the most common reasons.66

Under federal law, debt collectors are entitled to seize no more than 25 percent of a consumer’s paycheck.67 States have discretion to limit collectors to even less than the federal cap, but rules vary widely. Four states—North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Texas—generally prohibit the garnishment of wages to pay off consumer debts.68 In contrast, Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Mississippi, Montana, Ohio, Utah, and Wyoming offer no protections beyond the federal minimum.69

The seizure of money from a bank account can be even more devastating than wage garnishment because it is unrestricted in 16 states, potentially leaving consumers with empty accounts.70 In one study from Missouri, for example, of 13,000 bank accounts garnished by collectors in 2012, more than 7,500 were entirely drained because there was less money in the account than the consumer owed.71 Bank account garnishment can also circumvent wage garnishment caps, because once a paycheck is deposited into a bank account, it is no longer subject to the limits set by federal or state law, and all the money can be legally garnished.72

Moreover, state seizure protections tend to be infrequently adjusted for inflation or changing times. Pennsylvania’s exemption law, for example, protects sewing machines, a few other specific items, and up to $300 in additional property but leaves everything else available to debt collectors.73

Asset garnishments and property liens can cause significant financial stress, especially for people whose finances are already precarious, such as the one-third of Americans who report having no savings and the 51 percent of working adults living paycheck to paycheck.74 These seizures can prevent people from selling or refinancing a home, taking out a loan, or making payments on other bills, and they can last for years. In Missouri, for example, a judgment to garnish assets is valid for 10 years and can be renewed by court order.75

Despite efforts by policymakers to restrict debt-related seizures, a 2019 review by the National Consumer Law Center (NCLC) found that every state and the District of Columbia fell short of protecting enough income and savings to ensure that consumers facing court-enforced collections could still meet basic needs.76

Arrest and incarceration

In the most extreme circumstances, consumers can be arrested and even incarcerated as a result of a debt collection judgment. Although nationwide, state laws prohibit the jailing of individuals for inability to pay a debt, in 44 states, people can be held in contempt of court and subject to a civil arrest warrant, typically issued by the court at the plaintiff’s request, if they fail to appear in court for post-judgment hearings or to provide information related to their finances.77 Defendants can be incarcerated without access to an attorney or, in some cases, without even knowing a judgment was entered against them.

Such incarceration is relatively rare, but when it does occur, it can cause significant harm to consumers,most notably loss of wages and disruption in employment.78 In addition, the bond that people must pay to get out of jail can perpetuate the cycle of debt.79 For instance, an elderly married couple jailed in Maryland in 2014 for failing to appear in court over a housing-related debt of about $3,000 were ordered to pay a $2,900 cash bond—nearly doubling the underlying debt.80

A lack of readily available data obscures procedural problems and consumer harm

Although this research highlights key issues in debt collection lawsuits, the picture of the challenges and consequences remains incomplete because state court data are scarce.81 NCSC’s 2015 report remains the only national study of debt claims from the past 10 years, and despite a sample size of more than 925,000 cases from 152 courts in 10 urban counties, that study examined just 5 percent of state civil caseloads nationally.82

Pew identified 12 states with at least some courts that provide public data on debt claims, as described previously, but those reports are not sufficiently robust to document trends over time. Just seven states—Alaska, Colorado, Connecticut, New Mexico, Texas, Utah, and Wyoming—have tracked statewide debt claims caseloads since 2013, and only Texas reports on debt collection cases for all its courts.83 Further, only Texas and Colorado identify debt claims as a category within the general civil and small claims dockets in publicly available reports. In 2018, just New Mexico and Texas reported a cross section of cases and disposition types, including default judgments, for at least one court type,84 and Texas was the only state to publish the disposition (including default judgment rate) for debt claims at all dollar amounts and in all courts.

Even fewer states provide details about how debt claims cases are resolved.


Court systems have difficulty producing statewide reports in part because they are decentralized and fragmented and generally collect data only for their own administrative purposes.85 Without better data than are currently available, however, states and researchers cannot effectively evaluate whether debt claims are increasing, what might be driving that growth, and what the implications are for consumers.

In some states, however, the landscape of available data is beginning to change. Texas is still the clear leader in reporting, but other states, notably Arkansas, Nevada, and Virginia, have started including debt collection lawsuits in their annual reports. Nevada also includes a more detailed breakout of the types of debt involved in debt claims, such as payday loans and credit cards. This information can help policymakers and court officials understand whether courts are serving the public as intended and make informed decisions about how to best allocate resources to ensure that taxpayer investments are directed toward the areas of greatest need.

States are beginning to recognize and enact reforms to address the challenges of debt claims

In addition to tracking and reporting debt claims trends, more and more court officials are beginning to take steps to examine court processes and rethink how debt claims proceed. To date, this work has generally involved policy and practice reviews and system modernization through technology solutions. Although these efforts are generally still in the early stages of development, with little data on their effectiveness, they nevertheless present an opportunity to examine some initial attempts at reform.

Importantly, the potential benefits of these changes are not limited to debt claims. Rather, they point to opportunities to modify court operations and processes to improve experiences for court users on a range of issues and case types. Future Pew research will examine other challenges facing state civil courts and look at how these and other reforms might bolster access.

Reviews of state policies, rules, and common practices

To strengthen consumer protections in the processing of debt litigation, the FTC recommended that states require debt collectors to include more information in their complaints about the alleged debt, adopt measures to reduce the chance that collectors will sue for debts that are beyond the statute of limitations, and enact laws “to prevent the freezing of a specified amount in a bank account including funds exempt from garnishment.”86

States have begun to take steps to improve consumer protection—including those outlined in the FTC’s recommendation—particularly bolstering requirements for litigant notification, documentation of claim validity, and enforcement of statutes of limitation. (See Table 1.) These efforts represent promising first steps, but further research is needed to examine their effectiveness in improving court access.


New policies require courts to verify that all parties are notified about lawsuits and court dates

A few jurisdictions have begun to modify court rules to improve their notification requirements. Massachusetts changed its small claims court rules to require that plaintiffs in debt collection cases verify the addresses of defendants using reliable sources, such as municipal or motor vehicle records, and demonstrate to the court that they successfully served the case information to the correct address.87 New York City adopted a procedure that requires debt collection plaintiffs to provide the court with a stamped, unsealed envelope addressed to the defendant with a return address to the court. The envelope contains a standardized notice of the lawsuit, which the court mails.88 The court will not enter a default judgment if the Postal Service returns the notice as undeliverable.

In addition to confirming that all parties have been notified about the lawsuit, courts in some states have made small but important changes to ensure that consumers understand what the lawsuit is about. Because consumers sometimes believe that they either do not owe the debt or have already paid it or do not recognize the creditor or debt buyer that is suing them, Maryland strengthened its rules to require that pleadings include details about the underlying debt to help consumers more easily identify the debt, reduce confusion, and improve response rates.89

Additional documentation requirements oblige courts to ensure that debt claims are accurate and valid

Some states have acted to enhance the integrity of debt claims dispositions by requiring courts to examine the plaintiff’s case before issuing a judgment, regardless of whether the defendant is present. These states require that plaintiffs provide documentation as a matter of course rather than expecting defendants to ask plaintiffs to prove their cases.

Legislatures are leading these efforts in several states. North Carolina, for instance, passed a law in 2009 prohibiting courts from entering a default judgment unless the plaintiff provides “authenticated business records” that include the original account number and creditor, the amount of the original debt, an itemization of charges and fees claimed, and other information.90 And in California, debt buyers must provide specific evidence related to their ownership of a debt, the amount of the original debt, and the name of the original creditor.91

In addition, court leaders have begun to set rules that require proof of the validity of a debt, even if the defendant is not in court. As of 2018, 11 states—California, Colorado, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, and Texas—mandated documentation by court rule or statute. And in a 2018 policy resolution, the CCJ and the COSCA urged members “to consider enacting rules requiring plaintiffs in debt collection cases to file documentation demonstrating their legal entitlement to the amounts they seek to collect before entry of any default judgment where state legislation or court rules do not currently require the filing of such documentation.”92

Debt buyers, as well as consumer advocates, back requiring additional documentation that a debt is owed. For example, the Receivables Management Association International, a debt buyer trade group, “supports uniform standards on account documentation provided that they serve a legitimate purpose and is information that originating creditors are required to maintain.”93

State laws enhance prohibition of judgments on time-barred debts

In May 2019, the CFPB proposed amendments to its rules that enforce the federal Fair Debt Collection Practices Act.94 The draft rules included a new provision stating that “a debt collector must not bring or threaten to bring a legal action against a consumer to collect a debt that the debt collector knows or should know is a time-barreddebt.” As described earlier, most states currently place the responsibility on the defendant to question whether a debt has expired,95 and it is unclear whether the proposed rule would authorize courts to review cases for timing compliance even if a consumer does not raise the defense.

In the absence of specific federal rules, however, state legislators have taken up the issue of time-barred debt. Oregon law, for instance, prohibits a debt collector from knowingly filing legal action on a time-barred debt.96 Debt industry representatives argue that suing on time-barred debt is already illegal and that plaintiffs do not knowingly file such lawsuits.97 However, court data and judicial oversight are needed to confirm these assertions and to ensure that courts are not ruling in favor of collectors on invalid claims.

Modernization of court-user interactions

Some states are investing resources to leverage technology and adapt court procedures to better support self-represented litigants and improve court accessibility, affordability, and participation. These efforts include modifying court forms, enhancing outreach to consumers, and adopting online tools that make legal information and basic court services more easily available to users.

Providing relevant timely procedural information to all parties

Clear, accessible procedural information has the potential to yield significant benefits to court users and court operations. For example, Harvard Law School’s Access to Justice Lab conducted a randomized control trial in partnership with the Boston Municipal Court and found that debt claim defendants who received mailings from the court participated in their lawsuits at twice the rate of people who received no information by mail.98

Courts in several states have undertaken modernization efforts, such as updating legal documents with easy-to-understand language; providing information in multiple languages; and using illustrations, videos, and other alternative formats.99 In Alaska, for example, courts have created a self-help debt collection case website, developed a variety of plain-language forms, solicited feedback from the legal community on the revised forms, and proposed changes to court rules to facilitate participation by litigants without lawyers100 in response to an internal analysis, which showed widespread problems with debt claim cases.101

Similarly, Collin County, Texas, Justice of the Peace Chuck Ruckel, who hears more debt claims than any other case type and estimated that up to 98 percent of defendants in those cases have no lawyer, said the most common question he receives is, “What should I do?” His court distributes a self-help packet, titled “When a Debt Claim Case Has Been Filed Against You” and produced by the Texas Court Training Center, that helps people understand the steps they need to take when being sued.102

One critical consideration for courts is whether the information they provide is not merely available but in fact helpful to users. In 2019, the CCJ and COSCA passed a resolution103 calling on courts to generate “documents, forms, and other information … that is clear, concise, and easily comprehensible to all court users” and to explore online services as well as written self-help. These tools, whether static written information, interactive online content, in-person guidance, or some combination of the three, must be useful and usable.104

Some courts incorporate technology as a tool

Research increasingly suggests that technology holds promise for improving legal information and consumer outreach.105 In particular, several states, such as Illinois, Maine, Michigan, and Ohio, have created online legal assistance portals that contain self-help tools including explanatory articles, answers to common questions, step-by-step instructions for resolving a legal issue, and automated “interviews” that help litigants clarify and address their legal issues and complete court forms.106 Some portals also provide links to lawyer referral services, self-help centers, legal aid programs, and other community resources. 

In addition, some court systems have begun harnessing technology to enable remote litigant participation in legal processes, particularly through online dispute resolution (ODR), a tool already used in the private sector to resolve disagreements between consumers and online merchants. In the court context, ODR allows people to handle civil legal disputes without setting foot in a courtroom, and state and local leaders are increasingly looking to this approach to streamline people’s interactions with civil courts and help court staff better manage caseloads. Since early 2019, chief justices of the supreme courts in Hawaii, Iowa, Texas, and Utah have highlighted ODR as a key priority in their State of the Judiciary addresses.107

Some jurisdictions—such as West Valley City, Utah, and Franklin County, Ohio—have begun using ODR for small debt claims in part to reduce the time that cases take to resolve.108 However, moving debt collection cases online is not a panacea. Without recognized best practices, some experts say, ODR could present its own risks for consumers. Lisa Stifler of the Center for Responsible Lending noted that “ODR has the potential to offer avenues to consumers to respond to lawsuits against them, but there are concerns about consumers unknowingly waiving rights or legal claims or defenses.”109

To address such concerns, the NCLC put out guidance for courts to consider when moving debt cases online.110 Additionally, as part of its upcoming research agenda, Pew plans to conduct evaluations of this technology to assess the risks and benefits for courts and ODR users.



From 1993 to 2013, the number of debt claims filed in civil courts across the country increased to the point of becoming the single largest share of civil court business over that span, particularly as people used civil courts less for other issues. The analysis underpinning this report found that, as a category, debt claims have largely one-sided outcomes, raising troubling questions about legal proceedings and case dispositions. It also revealed gaps in the available data as well as other topics that would benefit from additional research, such as why fewer people are using civil courts than in the past and whether technology and policy changes intended to modernize court systems are delivering the desired results.

This report examined early efforts in a handful of states to address these questions and challenges and identified three initial steps that state and local government officials can take to mitigate the challenges associated with debt claims and other business-to-consumer cases: Increase the collection and reporting of debt claim data; revise policies and rules; and update civil legal system processes, particularly through the use of technology, to make the system easier to navigate for people without attorneys.

However, these potential state actions, while important and necessary, amount only to a preliminary effort to make the civil legal system more accessible because the issues facing civil courts are long-term and far-reaching. For instance, court leaders, the legal community, and advocates have for years been raising concerns that the civil legal system is failing not only people sued for a debt but also people facing eviction, navigating child custody issues, pursuing a divorce, seeking a protective order, or dealing with some other event with life-changing consequences. This report aims to expand the conversation among policymakers at all levels of government about modernizing the civil legal system to better serve all of its users.

Appendix: Methodology

This study took a three-step approach to analyzing debt collection lawsuit trends in state courts and their impact on consumers. To identify common characteristics and consequences of these cases, Pew researchers conducted a literature review of peer-reviewed and gray studies and semistructured interviews with subject-matter experts. To analyze the volume of debt claims in the U.S. and the extent to which courts track relevant data, researchers reviewed annual court statistical reports in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Pew researchers conducted quality control for each step to minimize errors and bias.

Literature review

Pew researchers conducted a literature review of consumer debt and debt collection lawsuits in the U.S. using keyword searches via four search engines—EBSCO, Hein Online, Google, and Google Scholar—to identify research related to debt collection lawsuits. Search terms included but were not limited to: “debt claim,” “debt collection lawsuit,” “debt litigation,” and “debt collection data.” Researchers also reviewed studies available on the websites of 24 organizations with a focus on debt collection or debt claims lawsuits. These searches generated approximately 130 apparently relevant articles, of which roughly 70 were found to contain information applicable to this study. The researchers examined and coded each article to identify common characteristics and themes in debt collection lawsuits.

Expert interviews

To collect additional insight on debt claims characteristics and consequences, Pew researchers performed semistructured interviews with three court officials, five consumer advocates and academics, and three credit lenders and debt collection attorneys. 

Court data analysis

To identify the proportion of civil cases that were debt claims in 1993 and 2013, Pew researchers used data reported in two studies conducted by NCSC.111 Although the studies contained different sample courts, based on geographic diversity and other characteristics, NCSC considered each to be nationally representative. NCSC found that across all state courts, 64 percent of 16.9 million civil cases are contract disputes and that contract caseloads consisted primarily of debt collection (37 percent), landlord-tenant (29 percent), and foreclosure (17 percent) cases. Pew researchers calculated that debt collection lawsuits represented approximately 24 percent of the civil caseload (0.37 × 0.64 = 0.236), or 3.98 million cases (16.9 million × .236), which is higher than the other aggregated case types.

NCSC’s 1993 study reported 14.6 million civil cases in state courts, of which 8.6 million were filed in limited jurisdiction courts. In general jurisdiction courts, contracts accounted for 18 percent (or 1.08 million) of the 6 million general jurisdiction cases and 7 percent (or 602,000) of the 8.6 million limited jurisdiction cases. Contracts therefore made up 11.5 percent (1.08 million + 0.602 million/14.6 million) of the civil caseload. Debt collection was certainly less than 100 percent of the contract caseload. Both 1993 and 2013 figures are underestimated, as a significant percentage of small claims are also debt collection cases but are not counted in the contract caseloads.

Pew researchers used data collected by the NCSC Court Statistics Project (CSP) to analyze changes in state civil caseloads from 2009 to 2017. Idaho, Illinois, Mississippi, New Mexico, and Oklahoma did not report civil court data to CSP in 2017. A total of 40 states, as well as the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, reported decreases in total civil filings from 2009 to 2017. Forty-three states, plus the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, reported a decrease in civil filings per capita. Hawaii, North Dakota, and South Carolina reported increases in total civil filings but decreases in filings per capita. And the only states to report increases in total and per capita civil filings were Pennsylvania and Texas.

To identify debt claims reporting trends, Pew researchers searched state court websites for annual statistical reports. These reports are called by various names—e.g., annual report, court statistical report, court caseload report, etc.—and commonly include civil court data. Where available, researchers gathered and reviewed reports for calendar or fiscal years 2005, 2009, 2013, 2017, and 2018. Through this process, Pew was able to collect civil court data for 49 states and the District of Columbia, though the availability of data for each fiscal or calendar year varied. For Iowa, the court administrator’s staff provided the reporting that is shared with the state Legislature and bar association.

Table A.1

49 States and D.C. Provide Court Statistics Reports Online, Though Available Years Vary

Data websites by state

State Civil Data Website

District of Columbia
Georgia annual-reports 
Iowa State does not provide court statistical data online. 

New Hampshire
New Jersey 
New Mexico 

New York 
North Carolina about/data-and-statistics

North Dakota
Rhode Island
South Carolina 
South Dakota 
West Virginia

Sources: “National Center for State Courts AOC State Links,”; The Pew Charitable Trusts internal review of state court websites.

Next, the researchers reviewed the civil court data in each identified source and documented information related to:

  • Civil case filings and outcomes, particularly whether the data were disaggregated by case type.
  • Types of civil cases reported.
  • Small claims filings and outcomes.
  • Debt claims filings and outcomes.
  • Definitions of small claims and debt claims.

If a source did not contain the information sought, the research team searched for other public sources on courts’ websites that may include this information—e.g., a data dashboard, etc., using the phrases “civil case data,” “caseload statistics,” or “caseload data.” To ensure that all relevant sources of publicly available court data were examined, the team also contacted court administration offices in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.

Next, the researchers compiled three simple descriptive statistics to assess reporting trends:

  • The number of states that disaggregate their filings and outcomes information by case type.
  • The number of states that include debt claims as a subcategory within one or more tiers or dollar thresholds of civil cases (small claims, limited civil, general civil).
  • The number of states that report on the number of self-represented litigants.

To identify small and debt claims filings and outcomes trends, researchers collected data from the state reports identified above for years 2005, 2009, 2013, 2017, and 2018 and documented the following information (where available):

  • Small claims maximum limit.
  • Small claims caseload and default judgments.
  • Debt claims caseload and default judgments.

Pew researchers were unable to find publicly accessible reports for the following years and states as of October 2019:

  • 2005: Georgia, Iowa, Kentucky, Nebraska, Oklahoma, Vermont, West Virginia, Wyoming.
  • 2009: Iowa, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Vermont.
  • 2013: Iowa.
  • 2017: Idaho, Iowa.
  • 2018: Arkansas (labeled 2018 annual report but reporting on 2017 data), Idaho, Illinois, Iowa.

In addition, 20 states and the District of Columbia report their data on a calendar year basis, while 29 do so on a fiscal year.

  • Calendar year states: Arkansas, District of Columbia, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, New Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming.
  • Fiscal year states: Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho, Kansas, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, and Vermont.
  • Iowa does not produce public reports.

Where available, the research team performed descriptive analyses of small claims and debt claims trends from fiscal 2005 to fiscal 2018 to assess:

  • Differences in filings, including per capita, and default judgment rates.
  • Small claims caseload as a percentage of total civil caseload.
  • Debt claims caseload as a percentage of small claims caseload.


Several factors can contribute to small claims and debt claims trends in each jurisdiction, such as the maximum dollar amount a plaintiff can sue for in a small claims court, rules and regulations governing the evidence required to file a debt collection lawsuit, the statute of limitations, filing fees, or the availability of electronic filing. Because of timing and resource constraints, assessing all these factors across the states and the District of Columbia was beyond the scope of this analysis. But this study was able to identify which of the six states that reported some information about debt claims caseloads in 2013 or earlier had also experienced a change in rules or court proceedings specifically targeting debt claims.


  1. Federal Trade Commission, “Repairing a Broken System: Protecting Consumers in Debt Collection Litigation and Arbitration” (2010),
  2. National Center for State Courts, “State Court Statistics, 1985-2001: United States” (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, 2005); K. Genthon, senior court research analyst, Court Statistics Project, National Center for State Courts, email to The Pew Charitable Trusts, Sept. 5, 2019.
  3. Genthon, email. Due to differences in reporting, the National Center for State Courts is unable to demonstrate adjusted caseload data pre- and post-2003 to enable them to be charted together. However, NCSC has consistently reported a general upward trend from the 1980s to 2003.
  4. Court Statistics Project, “State Court Caseload Digest, 2017 Data” (Conference of State Court Administrators and National Center for State Courts, 2019), Caseload Digest 2017 Data print.ashx; National Center for State Courts, “State Court Statistics, 2009” (2012),
  5. E. Rickard, “Many U.S. Families Faced Civil Legal Issues in 2018” (The Pew Charitable Trusts, 2019),
  6. For example, cases involving civil asset forfeiture, in which prosecutors file a lawsuit in civil court to keep property (e.g., car or money) that was allegedly used or seized in a crime.
  7. National Center for State Courts, “Civil Jurisdiction Thresholds” (2015),
  8. P. Hannaford-Agor, S.E. Graves, and S.S. Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation in State Courts” (National Center for State Courts, 2015), Notably, debt collection lawsuits are not resolved by arbitration, so even if certain types of cases are leaving the courts, debt collection is probably not one of them. In 2009, the Minnesota attorney general brought a federal lawsuit against a private arbitration company for colluding with creditors to collect on debts, and as a result, private arbitration companies have declared a moratorium on providing their arbitration services for debt collectors pursuing debts. See: American Arbitration Association, “Notice on Consumer Debt Collection Arbitrations,”; Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Arbitration Study: Report to Congress, Pursuant to Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act § 1028(a)” (2015),; State v. National Arbitration Forum (Minn. Dist. Ct. Hennepin Cty., July 17, 2009).
  9. National Center for State Courts, “Appendix I: Problems and Recommendations for High-Volume Dockets” (2016),
  10. Court Statistics Project, “Examining the Work of State Courts: An Overview of 2013 State Court Caseloads” (2015),; Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation.”
  11. Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation”; B.J. Ostrom and N.B. Kauder, “Examining the Work of State Courts, 1993: A National Perspective From the Court Statistics Project” (Court Statistics Project, 1995),; National Center for State Courts, “Call to Action: Achieving Civil Justice for All” (2016), See the appendix for details on how Pew researchers identified these findings.
  12. Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation”; Ostrom and Kauder, “Examining the Work of State Courts, 1993.” See the appendix for more information on how Pew estimated the debt claims caseloads in 1993 and 2013.
  13. Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation”; Ostrom and Kauder, “Examining the Work of State Courts, 1993.”
  14. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Consumer Experiences With Debt Collection: Findings From the CFPB’s Survey of Consumer Views on Debt” (2017), Pew researchers estimated this figure using data from the study.
  15. Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation.”
  16. Ibid., 33. “… it raises troubling concerns that small claims courts, which were originally developed as a forum in which primarily self-represented litigants could use a simplified process to resolve civil cases quickly and fairly, provide a much less evenly balanced playing field than was originally intended.”
  17. Texas Office of Court Administration, “Annual Statistical Report for the Texas Judiciary, Fiscal Year 2018” (2018),
  18. Ibid.
  19. Ibid. Pew researchers estimated this figure using data from the report.
  20. Alaska Court System, “Alaska Court System Annual Report FY 2013” (2014); Alaska Court System, “Alaska Court System Annual Report FY 2018” (2018),
  21. This analysis is based on states that report the required information on the court’s website. Some states may track this data but not report it on the website. See the appendix for the list of court websites used in this study.
  22. Virginia’s Judicial System, “Caseload Statistics of the General District Courts, January 2018 Through December 2018” (2019); Virginia’s Judicial System, “Virginia Courts in Brief” (2019),; Virginia’s Judicial System, “PLN-GCMS 10.01 Caseload Statistics of the General District Courts, January 2018 Through December 2018 Filings” (2018),
  23. Federal Reserve Bank of New York, “Quarterly Report on Household Debt and Credit” (2010),; Federal Reserve Bank of New York, “Quarterly Report on Household Debt and Credit” (2016),
  24. Urban Institute, “71 Million U.S. Adults Have Debts in Collection” (2018),; Rickard, “Many U.S. Families Faced Civil Legal Issues in 2018.”
  25. B. Adler, B. Polak, and A. Schwartz, “Regulating Consumer Bankruptcy: A Theoretical Inquiry,” The Journal of Legal Studies 29, no. 2 (2000): 585-613; Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Report on the Economic Well-Being of U.S. Households in 2017” (2018),; J.M. Collins, “Exploring the Design of Financial Counseling for Mortgage Borrowers in Default,” Journal of Family and Economic Issues 28, no. 2 (2007): 207-26; C.E. Herbert, Report to Congress on the Root Causes of the Mortgage Foreclosure Crisis (2010).
  26. The Pew Charitable Trusts, “What Resources Do Families Have for Financial Emergencies?” (2015),
  27. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Consumer Credit Reports: A Study of Medical and Non-Medical Collections” (2014),
  28. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Consumer Experiences With Debt Collection.”
  29. Federal Trade Commission, “The Structure and Practices of the Debt Buying Industry” (2013),; Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, “Market Snapshot: Online Debt Sales” (2017),
  30. R.J. Hobbs and C.L. Carter, Fair Debt Collection (National Consumer Law Center, 2008). Ch., citing The Nilson Report: Issues 792 (July 2003); 806 (March 2004); 835 (June 2005); 857 (May 2006); 880 (May 2007); 901 (April 2008); 921 (March 2009); 946 (April 2010); 969 (April 2011); 992 (April 2012); 1019 (June 2013); 1041 (May 2014).
  31. C. Albin-Lackey, “Rubber Stamp Justice: US Courts, Debt Buying Corporations, and the Poor” (Human Rights Watch, 2016),; P. Kiel, “So Sue Them: What We’ve Learned About the Debt Collection Lawsuit Machine,” ProPublica, May 5, 2016,; A. Kuehnhoff and M. Best (staff attorneys at the National Consumer Law Center), testimony before the Joint Financial Services Committee (May 2, 2019),; L. Stifler, T. Feltner, and S. Sajadi, “Undue Burden: The Impact of Abusive Debt Collection Practices in Oregon” (Center for Responsible Lending, 2018),
  32. Encore Capital Group Inc., “Form 10-K, 2008” (2009),; Encore Capital Group Inc., “Form 10-K, 2018” (2019),; PRA Group Inc., “Form 10-K, 2008” (2009),; PRA Group Inc., “Form 10-K, 2018” (2019),
  33. Kuehnhoff and Best, testimony; Stifler, Feltner, and Sajadi, “Undue Burden.”
  34. Scott v. Illinois, 440 U.S. 367 (1979); Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U.S. 335 (1963).
  35. Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation.”
  36. T. Feltner, J. Barnard, and L. Stifler, “Debt by Default: Debt Collection Practices in Washington 2012-2016” (Center for Responsible Lending, 2019),; Stifler, Feltner, and Sajadi, “Undue Burden”; C. Wilner et al., “Debt Deception: How Debt Buyers Abuse the Legal System to Prey on Lower-Income New Yorkers” (New Economy Project, Legal Aid Society, MFY Legal Services, and Urban Justice Center, 2010); Legal Services Corp., “Fiscal Year 2019 Budget Request” (2018), 9-10,; P.A. Holland, “Junk Justice: A Statistical Analysis of 4,400 Lawsuits Filed by Debt Buyers,” Loyola Consumer Law Review 26, no. 2 (2014): 179-246,; M. Spector, “Debts, Defaults and Details: Exploring the Impact of Debt Collection Litigation on Consumers and Courts,” Virginia Law & Business Review 6, no. 2 (2011): 257, This problem is part of a larger trend in civil litigation nationwide. The NCSC found that attorney representation among defendants declined dramatically across all civil cases from 1992 to 2013, falling from 97 percent to 46 percent in general jurisdiction cases over that span. See: Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation,” 31.
  37. Federal Trade Commission, “Time-Barred Debts,” accessed Jan. 22, 2020,; Rhode Island Gen. Law § 9-1-13; Mississippi Code § 75-3-118.
  38. Holland, “Junk Justice.” One Maryland study of lawsuits in which defendants had pro bono legal counsel showed that debt buyers obtained monetary judgments in only 15 percent of those cases.
  39. National Center for State Courts, “Virginia Self-Represented Litigant Study: Outcomes of Civil Cases in General District Court, Juvenile & Domestic Relations Court, and Circuit Court” (2017),
  40. Legal Services Corp., “Fiscal Year 2019 Budget Request,” 10.
  41. National Center for State Courts, “Call to Action.”
  42. American Bar Association, “Steps in a Trial,” accessed Feb. 3, 2020,
  43. B. Yngvesson and P. Hennessey, “Small Claims, Complex Disputes: A Review of the Small Claims Literature,” Law & Society Review 9, no. 2 (1975): 219-74,
  44. See for example, Albin-Lackey, “Rubber Stamp Justice”; Legal Services Corp., “Fiscal Year 2019 Budget Request”; Feltner, Barnard, and Stifler, “Debt by Default”; J. Fox, “Do We Have a Debt Collection Crisis? Some Cautionary Tales of Debt Collection in Indiana,” Loyola Consumer Law Review 24 (2011): 355; Holland, “Junk Justice”; M. Spector and A. Baddour, “Collection Texas-Style: An Analysis of Consumer Collection Practices in and out of the Courts,” Hastings Law Journal 67 (2015): 1427; Stifler, Feltner, and Sajadi, “Undue Burden.” In 2015, the NCSC found that fewer than 5 percent of cases were adjudicated on the merits of the case. See: Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation.”
  45. Wilner et al., “Debt Deception.”
  46. E. Harnick, L. Stifler, and S. Sajadi, “Debt Buyers Hound Coloradans in Court for Debts They May Not Owe” (Center for Responsible Lending, 2016),
  47. Feltner, Barnard, and Stifler, “Debt by Default.”
  48. Albin-Lackey, “Rubber Stamp Justice.”
  49. R.W. Staudt and P.L. Hannaford, “Access to Justice for the Self-Represented Litigant: An Interdisciplinary Investigation by Designers and Lawyers,” Syracuse Law Review 52 (2002): 1017.5
  50. C. Brugnoli (attorney, Brugnoli Law Firm), interview with The Pew Charitable Trusts, June 11, 2019.
  51. Federal Trade Commission, “Repairing a Broken System.”
  52. New York Appleseed and Jones Day, “Due Process and Consumer Debt: Eliminating Barriers to Justice in Consumer Credit Cases” (2010),; Federal Trade Commission, “Repairing a Broken System”; Albin-Lackey, “Rubber Stamp Justice.”
  53. National Association of Professional Process Servers, “Civil Rules Guide for All 50 United States and the District of Columbia” (2017),
  54. See lawsuits against debt collectors for fraudulent service, in J.K. Steinberg, “A Theory of Civil Problem-Solving Courts,” NYU Law Review 93 (2018): 1579.
  55. Federal Trade Commission, “Repairing a Broken System.”
  56. Albin-Lackey, “Rubber Stamp Justice.”
  57. Ibid.; M. Spector, “Litigating Consumer Debt Collection: A Study,” Banking and Financial Services Policy Report 31, no. 6 (2012),
  58. Albin-Lackey, “Rubber Stamp Justice”; Spector, “Litigating Consumer Debt Collection.”
  59. See Wilner et al., “Debt Deception”; Holland, “Junk Justice”; C. Ratcliffe et al., “Debt in America: An Interactive Map” (The Urban Institute, 2017); P. Kiel and A. Waldman, “The Color of Debt: How Collection Suits Squeeze Black Neighborhoods,” ProPublica, Oct. 8, 2015,
  60. Wilner et al., “Debt Deception.”
  61. Kiel and Waldman, “The Color of Debt.”
  62. Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation.”
  63. American Institute of CPAs, “Pre and Post Judgment Interest Analysis Matrix,” accessed Oct. 14, 2019,
  64. M. Baker, “Debt Collectors That ‘Sue, Sue, Sue’ Can Squeeze Washington State Consumers for More Cash,” The Seattle Times, March 23, 2019,
  65. Holland, “Junk Justice.”
  66. ADP Research Institute, “The U.S. Wage Garnishment Landscape: Through the Lens of the Employer” (2017),; ADP Research Institute, “Garnishment: The Untold Story” (2014),
  67. U.S. Code § 1673, Restriction on Garnishment. Garnishments may not exceed the lesser of 25 percent of disposable earnings or the amount by which disposable earnings are greater than 30 times the federal minimum wage.
  68. C. Carter, “No Fresh Start in 2019: How States Still Allow Debt Collectors to Push Families Into Poverty” (National Consumer Law Center, 2019), In North Carolina, all wages are exempt only if the consumer is supporting a family.
  69. Ibid.
  70. Ibid. The 16 states are Arkansas, Delaware, Georgia, Hawaii, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Texas, Utah, and Wyoming. At most, these states protect a few special types of accounts, such as college savings accounts.
  71. Kiel, “So Sue Them.”
  72. P. Kiel, “Old Debts, Fresh Pain: Weak Laws Offer Debtors Little Protection,” ProPublica, Sept. 16, 2014,
  73. North Carolina General Assembly Session Law 2015-241, S. 7.23.(a), An Act to Make Base Budget Appropriations for Current Operations of State Departments, Institutions, and Agencies, and for Other Purposes (2015),; Carter, “No Fresh Start in 2019”; Tennessee Department of Economic and Community Development, Broadband Accessibility Grant Report–FY 2018-2019 (2019),—FY19-Annual-Report.pdf.
  74. The Pew Charitable Trusts, “What Resources Do Families Have for Financial Emergencies?”; NORC at the University of Chicago, “Most Working Americans Would Face Economic Hardship If They Missed More Than One Paycheck” (2019),
  75. Missouri Ann. Stat. 511.370.
  76. Carter, “No Fresh Start in 2019.”
  77. American Civil Liberties Union, “A Pound of Flesh: The Criminalization of Private Debt” (2018), The six states that do not have a statute are Alabama, New Mexico, North Dakota, South Dakota, West Virginia, and Wyoming.
  78. See for example A.M. Holsinger, “Analyzing Bond Supervision Survey Data: The Effects of Pretrial Detention on Self-Reported Outcomes” (Community Resources for Justice, 2016),
  79. American Civil Liberties Union, “A Pound of Flesh.”
  80. Ibid.
  81. R.L. Sandefur, “Paying Down the Civil Justice Data Deficit: Leveraging Existing National Data Collection,” South Carolina Law Review 68, no. 2 (2016): 295-309.
  82. Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation.”
  83. Colorado also reports “money” claims for all civil cases (small claims, county, and district court), but its most populous county, Denver County, was not included in statewide reporting after 2014.
  84. Others provide a higher-level case category—e.g., contracts. Debt collection claims are a subset of contracts, though they are sometimes reported separately.
  85. Hannaford-Agor, Graves, and Miller, “The Landscape of Civil Litigation,” 7. “Part of the difficulty stems from the inability of many case management systems to collect and generate reports about civil caseloads.”
  86. Federal Trade Commission, “Repairing a Broken System.”
  87. Massachusetts Trial Court, Massachusetts Uniform Small Claims Rules, Rule 2(b).
  88. New York State Courts, Uniform Rules for New York State Trial Courts, 22 NYCRR §§ 208.6(h), 208.14-a (2014).
  89. Maryland Court, Rules of Civil Procedure, District Court, 3-306 (2016), Utah also modified its discovery rule 26(a) in 2011, requiring initial disclosure of documents underlying a debt claim, but only after the defendant files an initial answer. A default judgment can still be entered absent that disclosure. See: Utah Courts, Rules of Civil Procedure, 26(a) (2011),
  90. North Carolina Gen. Stat. § 58-70-115, 150, 155 (2009, 2011),
  91. United States Census Bureau, “Understanding Census Bureau Address Ranges,” April 15, 2016,
  92. Conference of Chief Justices and Conference of State Court Administrators, In Support of Rules Regarding Default Judgments in Debt Collection Cases, Resolution 4 (2018),
  93. Receivables Management Association International, “The Debt Buying Industry” (2015),
  94. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Proposed Rule: Regulation F, Debt Collection Practices, 12 CFR Part 1006 (2019),
  95. In at least two states—Mississippi and Wisconsin—debts are extinguished when the applicable statute of limitations expires. See: Wisconsin Stat. Ann. § 893.05 (1979),; Mississippi Code Ann. § 15-1-3 (2010).
  96. Oregon Laws 625, Sec. 1 (2017),
  97. Receivables Management Association, “Out-of-Statute Debt: What Is a Smart, Balanced, and Responsible Approach?” (2015),
  98. D.J. Greiner and A. Matthews, “The Problem of Default, Part I” (Harvard University, 2015). The study found little difference in the effectiveness of the two mailings. As of 2019, a subsequent study was underway.
  99. See for example J. Greiner, D. Jiménez, and L. Lupica, “Self-Help, Reimagined,” Indiana Law Journal 92, no. 3 (2016): 1119-73; J. Madans, “Experiencing Self-Help in CA Courts” (working paper, Judicial Council of California, 2019); New York Appleseed and Jones Day, “Due Process and Consumer Debt.”
  100. Alaska Court System, “Self-Help Services: Debt Collection Cases,” accessed Aug. 8, 2019,
  101. S. Marz (director of self-help services, Alaska Court System), interview with The Pew Charitable Trusts, May 23, 2019.
  102. Texas Justice Court Training Center, “When a Debt Claim Case Has Been Filed Against You,” accessed Oct. 29, 2019,; Hon. C. Ruckel (justice of the peace, Collin County Justice Court, Precinct 3), interview with The Pew Charitable Trusts, May 23, 2019. 
  103. Conference of Chief Justices and Conference of State Court Administrators, In Support of Implementation of Clear Communications and Streamlined Procedures in the Courts, Resolution 5 (2019),
  104. National Association for Court Management, “Plain Language Guide” (2019),
  105. for example J. Greacen, “Remote Appearances of Parties, Attorneys and Witnesses: A Review of Current Court Rules and Practices” (2017),; J.J. Prescott, “Improving Access to Justice in State Courts With Platform Technology,” Vanderbilt Law Review 70, no. 6 (2017): 1993-2050; Madans, “Experiencing Self-Help in CA Courts”; R.L. Kourlis and R. Samnani, “Court Compass: Mapping the Future of User Access Through Technology” (IAALS, 2017),
  106. The Pew Charitable Trusts, “Interactive Online Portals Offer Targeted Legal Resources on Demand” (2019),
  107. Chief Justice M. Cady, “2019 Condition of the Judiciary” (Iowa Judicial Branch, 2019); Chief Justice N. Hecht, Texas Supreme Court, “In the State of Judiciary Address, Chief Justice Hecht Calls for Bail Reform, Protecting Guardians, Judicial-Selection Reform,” news release, Feb. 6, 2019,; Chief Justice M.B. Durrant, “2019 State of the Judiciary,” Utah Courts, Jan. 28, 2019,; Chief Justice M.E. Recktenwald, “State of the Judiciary Speech—2019,” Hawaii Free Press, Jan. 24, 2019,–2019.aspx.
  108. Franklin County, Ohio, Municipal Court, “Online Dispute Resolution: Franklin County Municipal Court,” accessed Jan. 17, 2020,; Utah Courts, “Small Claims Online Dispute Resolution Pilot Project (ODR-West Valley City),” accessed Jan. 17, 2020,
  109. L. Stifler (director, state policy, Center for Responsible Lending), interview with The Pew Charitable Trusts, June 28, 2019.
  110. A. Kuehnhoff, “Consumer Protection and Court-Sponsored Online Dispute Resolution in Collection Lawsuits” (National Consumer Law Center, 2019),

Republished under with permission under license from PEW.

Bankruptcy courts ill-prepared for tsunami of people going broke from coronavirus shutdown

by Paige Marta Skiba, Vanderbilt University; Dalié Jiménez, University of California, Irvine; Michelle McKinnon Miller, Loyola Marymount University; Pamela Foohey, Indiana University, and Sara Sternberg Greene, Duke University

As more Americans lose all or part of their incomes and struggle with mounting debts, another crisis looms: a wave of personal bankruptcies.

Bankruptcy can discharge or erase many types of debts and stop foreclosures, repossessions and wage garnishments. But our research shows the bankruptcy system is difficult to navigate even in normal times, particularly for minorities, the elderly and those in rural areas.

COVID-19 is exacerbating the existing challenges of accessing bankruptcy at a time when these vulnerable groups – who are bearing the brunt of both the economic and health impact of the coronavirus pandemic – may need its protections the most.

If Americans think about turning to bankruptcy for help, they will likely find a system that is ill-prepared for their arrival.

The courts are sheltering in place too. 

It’s a hard road

There are many benefits to filing bankruptcy.

For example, it can allow households to avoid home foreclosure, evictions and car repossession. The “automatic stay” triggered at the start of the process immediately halts all debt collection efforts, garnishments and property seizures. And the process ends with a discharge of most unsecured debts, which sets people on a course to regain some financial stability.

The process helps the average household erase approximately US$50,000 in unsecured debt – such as payday loans and credit card and medical bills.

We know from our empirical research, however, that filing for bankruptcy comes with costs. In a Chapter 7 case, known as a liquidation when a debtor’s property is sold and distributed to creditors, households may be required to surrender some of their assets. The post-bankruptcy path to financial stability is often bumpy.

In a Chapter 13 reorganization case, households must commit to making monthly payments equal to their disposable income for three to five years. But the majority of people, unfortunately, are unable to keep up with their payments for that long and do not end up eliminating their debts.

Monetary costs can also be substantial. Attorney fees average $1,225 to $3,450. Court fees are over $300. And of course, there are also other downsides, such as social stigma, negative credit and lower future earnings.

Pent-up demand

Nonetheless, struggling Americans may find bankruptcy one of few viable options to address their worsening money problems, particularly as the pandemic shows no signs of ending soon.

Yet, as a consequence of nationwide shelter-in-place orders, consumer bankruptcy filings have declined significantly in recent weeks.

In the last 10 days of March, when states began issuing such orders, we found that Chapter 13 filings fell 45% compared with the last 10 days of March 2019, based on a docket search on Bloomberg Law. Filings in all of April – when most states were under lockdown – plunged 60%, while Chapter 7 filings were down 40%.

This suggests that there’s pent-up demand for bankruptcy protection – in terms of what we’d normally expect – on top of the impact from the coronavirus recession.

The current limited physical access of many bankruptcy courts presents additional problems, especially to already vulnerable groups. There is significant variation in how courts are handling the situation, but most require access to technology. This means that ethnic and racial minorities, seniors and people living in rural areas face systemic barriers to filing because of their more limited access to transportation and technology.

Self-represented filers, who navigate bankruptcy alone to avoid the hefty attorneys’ fees, face additional challenges and make up approximately 9% of bankruptcy cases. These filers typically have lower income and fewer assets – and thus are less able to afford the benefits of having an attorney – and are more likely to be black.

In some districts, only attorneys can file electronically, so people handling the process themselves must mail in their petition or find some other way of getting it to the courts, such as via physical drop boxes.

But such methods still assume access to technology. A computer, the internet and a printer are needed to access and print the petition. Libraries and other institutions that traditionally provide technology access for those who do not have it are, for the most part, closed.

Some courts are allowing initial email submission of the petition from those without attorneys, but petitioners are still required to follow up by sending original documents via the mail or drop boxes. Access to a computer, the internet and a printer remains necessary.

Finally many states require “wet signatures” on bankruptcy petitions. That is, people have to sign their names in ink, as opposed to using an electronic signature. To smooth filings while courts are physically closed, several states have waived this requirement for those using an attorney.

But even then, access issues still abound. People must first send their attorney the vast array of documents needed for filing – typically amounting to dozens of pages. Filers still need to be able to copy, scan and email documents. For those without computer access, they have to mail original documents, a somewhat risky proposition when important papers could get delayed, stolen or lost.

A bad time to file

In other words, the middle of a pandemic is not the best time to file for bankruptcy.

But with limited debt forbearances, over 30 million out of work and insufficient employment aid, we expect to see a great deal more distress – both financial and otherwise – in the coming months.

And without more aid to individuals soon, U.S. bankruptcy courts will likely face a tsunami of filings, not only from average Americans but companies as well. This will clog up the system, which is why many experts are calling on Congress to shore up bankruptcy courts with more judges and funding.

But a first priority should be shoring up individuals, for whom bankruptcy is seen as a last resort. If more aid isn’t forthcoming, the bankruptcy system may be too overwhelmed to handle even that.

Republished with permission under license from The Conversation 

Renters still left out in the cold despite temporary coronavirus protection

by Kirk McClure, University of Kansas and Alex Schwartz, The New School

Emergency relief for renters across America may protect them from the threat of eviction during the coronavirus crisis – but it won’t last for long.

The economic shutdown necessitated by COVID-19 has undermined the ability of millions of families and individuals to pay their landlords. But current measures to alleviate their hardship will not last through the summer, leaving the country at risk of a surge of evictions and homelessness within months.

Protesters demanding a freeze on rents in Minneapolis.


The current crisis also hits landlords, small ones especially, who may now struggle to meet mortgage payments, property taxes and other essential expenses. Again, the measures offered by Congress provide only limited relief.

As scholars of housing policy, we know that for any measure to have real impact, it will need to address problems facing both tenants and landlords. Such a solution may already exist in the Housing Choice Voucher program, a 40-year-old program which enables low-income households to afford rental housing in the private market.

Rental crisis

The coronavirus worsens an already severe housing affordability crisis. The most recent data shows that 10.7 million households, one-quarter of all renters, spend more than half of their income on rent, including 56% of all renters earning less than US$30,000 per year. More than 2.3 million renters are evicted annually. On any given night, more than 500,000 people are homeless, and nearly three times as many went homeless during the course of a single year.

More than 20 million people have filed for unemployment benefits since the shutdown began, and this number is likely to climb higher in the weeks ahead.

The people most at risk of losing their jobs are those who work in low-paying service industries such as restaurants, hotels, personal services and the retail sector. They are also disproportionately likely to rent their homes.

Many of these workers will struggle to pay landlords in the coming months. As of 2019, the Federal Reserve reported that about 40% of all households could not cover an unexpected $400 expense without borrowing funds or selling a possession.

In an effort to provide relief to families and business hit by the economic meltdown, President Trump signed the $2.2 trillion CARES Act on March 27.

Stay of eviction

The legislation provides considerable support to homeowners but much less to renters. Homeowners with government-supported mortgages such as those that are guaranteed by Fannie Mae or Freddie Mac, accounting for 70% of all outstanding mortgages, can skip mortgage payments for up to 12 months without risk of foreclosure. Missed payments will instead by added to their mortgage balances.

Renters are afforded some protection. The legislation forbids private and public owners of rental housing financed with government assistanceabout 28% of all rentals – from evicting tenants for nonpayment of rent over a period of six months. In addition to the CARES Act, 15 states and 24 cities have temporarily suspended evictions for nearly all renters in their jurisdictions.

The CARES Act also provides relief in the shape of expanded unemployment benefits as well as a one-off payment of $1,200 to eligible adults and an extra $500 per child.

But rental protection is unlikely to last more than a few months – less if stays on eviction are not enforced, as has been the case in a number of states.

Moreover, when renters skip their rent, they still owe it – it will need to be repaid at a later date.

These emergency measures do little to help landlords cover their expenses. It does prohibit lenders from foreclosing on landlords with federally backed mortgages, should they fail to make payment. But it does nothing to help them pay employees, utility bills or their property taxes. And when landlords cannot pay property taxes, it becomes even more difficult for hard-pressed cities, towns and school districts to provide essential services.

Room for improvement?

One alternative would be for the government to pay landlords directly to cover the loss of rental income. Rep. Ilhan Omar, for example, is proposing that all renters have their rents canceled, with landlords applying for compensation from the federal government.

A downside of this approach is the potential for providing assistance to landlords and tenants who do not need it. It would also require a new apparatus to administer the program, which could delay implementation.

Advocates and policymakers have suggested other ways government could address the looming rental housing crisis.

The approach partially adopted by the CARES Act is to compensate displaced workers for their loss of income. This could be expanded through repeated cash payments to households. Alternatively, unemployment benefits could be increased. But there is also no guarantee that recipients will use the funds for housing or that funds would be targeted at low-income households that require assistance.

The government could pay employers to keep workers on their payroll and hire back those they have let go. It has already adopted this approach to an extent, but not anywhere close to the scale that would be necessary. Scaling up these efforts would probably take months and may not be politically feasible.

Vouchers for success

We believe a more viable option would be expanding the government’s Housing Choice Voucher program. Established in 1974, it enables low-income households to rent housing in the private market, paying no more than 30% of their income on rent, with the government paying the rest.

It is available to all low-income households and currently serves 2.2 million households – although as many as 10 million were eligible for the program before the COVID crisis.

The program already has the administrative apparatus needed to handle an increase in participants: a nationwide network of over 3,300 housing authorities with decades of experience. Many have already demonstrated their capacity to dramatically expand operations to accommodate new households in the event of natural disasters, such as hurricanes and floods.

If expanded to meet the demands of the current crisis, the Housing Choice Voucher program could act as a shock absorber for the rental housing market. For tenants, it would provide some stability where there now is uncertainty and reduce the risk of displacement, eviction and homelessness. For landlords, it would provide a steady stream of income to help pay the mortgage, property taxes and other expenses.

Republished with permission under license from The Conversation

Breaking contracts over coronavirus: Can you argue it’s an ‘act of God’?

by Andrew Schwartz, University of Colorado Boulder

The coronavirus pandemic has prevented countless people from fulfilling their contracts, from basketball players to babysitters.

The NBA suspended its season on March 11, citing the coronavirus risk. A force majeure clause in the NBA contract means players could lose money with each canceled game. 


Could all of these people be sued for breach of contract, or are they excused due to this extraordinary event? What about payments made in advance, such as tickets bought for a concert that has now been canceled or a dorm room leased at a college that is now closed?

Wars, floods and other pandemics have undermined innumerable contracts over the years. In response, U.S. courts have established a fairly clear set of legal rules to answer these questions.

As a contracts law professor, I help future lawyers think through how these rules apply in a wide range of situations. That includes what the law says about contracts that are impossible to meet during pandemics.

The rules of impossibility and restitution

A promise given in exchange for money becomes an enforceable contract, and it remains enforceable even if living up to its terms turns out to be more challenging than expected.

If a babysitter promises to look after your children once a week for US$50, she is bound to the contract regardless of car trouble, the kids misbehaving or other hardships. If the babysitter gives up, that is a breach of contract and she is legally liable to you. This is what makes a contract a contract and not an idle promise to give it a try.

But what if the babysitter failed to show up because a coronavirus outbreak made it physically dangerous for her to enter your house or because the government issued an order to remain home to avoid spreading the virus?

Because this type of extraordinary and unanticipated event, often called an “act of God,” is so radically different from the ordinary risks and challenges of babysitting, and because it makes her performance so much more difficult and dangerous than expected, the courts will excuse her from the contract. Through no fault of her own, her performance has become effectively impossible, and so her failure to babysit does not count as a breach of contract.

That is not the end of the story, though. Under the legal doctrine of restitution, which prohibits unjust enrichment at the expense of another, the babysitter would have to return any money you paid her in advance. She has not breached the contract, but neither has she fulfilled it, so it would be unjust for her to keep that money.

When universities closed their dorms during the coronavirus outbreak, it meant breaking contracts with students. Many schools, including Howard University, shown here, have agreed to pay partial refunds. 

This basic framework – impossibility and restitution – applies generally to contracts that have been upended by the coronavirus pandemic and government orders to combat the virus’s spread.

It does not apply to every expense, however.

If you bought a $100 ticket for a Lady Gaga concert and the event has been canceled, there is no breach of contract, although Lady Gaga would have to refund your $100 as a matter of restitution. But if you bought a nonrefundable $50 train ticket to travel to the concert, Lady Gaga is not liable for that loss. Since that money was never paid to Lady Gaga, she can’t be held responsible for it.

Force majeure: The escape clause

In some cases, an escape clause is written into the contract specifically for situations like this. It’s called “force majeure,” which translates to “superior force” and is often referred to as the “act of God” clause.

Force majeure clauses are common in corporate contracts. They dictate which types of unexpected events will excuse performance and how to deal with payments already made or other losses. The precise wording of these clauses is key. Some might expressly mention pandemics or government orders, while others might not. Similarly, some clauses might call for full restitution, while others might provide for 50% refunds or no refund at all. Whatever the force majeure clause says will displace the ordinary rules of impossibility and restitution.

The contract between the NBA and its players, for example, includes a force majeure clause that specifically covers epidemics. It states that basketball teams can withhold part of their players’ salaries for each canceled game, and ESPN reported that the league was considering it.

Pepperdine University students who have been evicted from their dorms are also bound to a force majeure clause that specifies no refunds if the dorms are closed in the event of an emergency. This overrides the general rule of restitution.

All that said, parties to a contract are always free to waive their rights under a force majeure clause and provide refunds anyway. Pepperdine officials have promised to do exactly that.

Republished with permission under license from The Conversation.

African Hair Braiders Win! U.S. Supreme Court voids ruling

The U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday vacated an appeals court ruling that supported a lengthy licensing process for hair-braiders in Missouri and ordered a judge in St. Louis to dismiss the case. The Supreme Court voided the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals opinion that upheld the previous cosmetology license requirements, because a new law, which is discussed in the background section, had already addressed it.

The Supreme Court didn't write a separate opinion, it simply reversed the 8th Circuit opinion. Therefore, the question of whether Missouri and other states within the 8th Circuit can require a cosmetology licensing for African hair braiders remains unanswered. However, the lawsuit which called the law into question in the first place is most likely the only reason the law was changed.

This case demonstrates why it is so important to understand and be able to use the law for your benefit. As we have said before, just because a law exists, doesn't mean it legitimate. You have a right and an obligation to question unfair and questionable laws!

Cases such as this is one of the reason exist; so people, especially those who have traditionally been oppressed can be empowered. Discover the hidden secrets of our legal and justice system with the information contained within

Case Background

African hair braiders sue over Missouri law

Ndioba Niang and Tameka Stigers are professional African-style hair braiders in Missouri, but are not licensed as cosmetologists or barbers. The Missouri Board of Cosmetology and Barber Examiners required hair braiders to be licensed as cosmetologists or barbers even though African-style hair braiding is not included in the cosmetology or barbering school curriculum, and the licensing tests barely test on subjects related to the practice.

In order to obtain a Missouri cosmetology license, one must pass a background check, undergo substantial training, and pass an exam. Before sitting for the exam, an individual must have: (1) graduated from a licensed cosmetology school with at least 1,500 hours of training; or (2) completed an apprenticeship of at least 3,000 hours; or (3) completed similar training in another state. Alternatively, obtaining a barbering license requires at least 1,000 hours of training at a licensed barber school or completion of an apprenticeship of at least 2,000 hours. Completing the necessary requirements for a license would have forced Ms. Niang and Ms. Stigers to incur significant costs for irrelevant training. 

Four years ago, Ms. Niang and Ms. Stigers filed the federal lawsuit; they sued to vindicate their constitutional right to earn a living free of unreasonable government interference, and after losing in lower courts asked the Supreme Court to take their case. The original lawsuit, filed in 2014, complained that African-style hair-braiders were required to obtain a cosmetology license, which can cost thousands of dollars but doesn’t include any hair-braiding training.

When the lower courts considered the braiders’ challenge, they essentially ignored the evidence provided by the braiders that showed the licensing requirements were overly burdensome and did not sufficiently relate to the government’s asserted interests in public health and safety. In so doing, the lower courts applied a version of the rational basis test that is no more than a rubber-stamp of approval of government regulation. But that is not the proper application of the rational basis test.

The lawsuit was filed on behalf of Tameka Stigers, of Locs of Glory in St. Louis, and Ndioba “Joba” Niang, who runs Joba Hair Braiding in Florissant. Both have performed the hourslong braiding process for years without licenses and say they fear prosecution. 

one Tameka Stigers

Joba Hair Braiding owner Ndioba Niang, a native of Senegal who later lived in France, said she completed 1,000 of the required 3,000 hours of cosmetology training at a cost of thousands of dollars before dropping out.

Ndioba Niang

In 2016, U.S. Magistrate Judge John Bodenhausen upheld the requirements, and the 8th U.S. Court of Appeals agreed in January. A petition for writ of certiorari was filed on April 11, 2018 with the U.S. Supreme Court. However, the Missouri Legislature passed House Bill 1500 which eased the rules on hair- braiding, although those new rules have yet to take effect.

The Institute for Justice, which has filed suits across the country against regulation of various occupations, said the appeals court decision in the Missouri case was in conflict with other federal courts and the Supreme Court. Both the group and the Missouri attorney general asked the court to dismiss the case because of the change in the law, they said.

In May, the Missouri legislature passed a law easing requirements on hair-braiding that made the four-year lawsuit moot. Braiders are now exempted from the cosmetology license and a new specialty braiding license only requires that braiders pay a fee of $20, watch a four- to six-hour instructional video and submit to board inspections. Attendance at a licensed cosmetology school in Missouri can cost more than $16,000.

The Fourteenth Amendment states that “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” Passed during Reconstruction, these provisions held the promise that freedman would finally be granted the same rights and protections as their white brethren. Yet less than five years after this amendment was enacted, the Supreme Court eviscerated the Privileges or Immunities Clause in what became known as the Slaughter-House Cases (1873).

Slaughter-House eventually led to the development of modern “substantive” due process doctrine as a makeshift bandage over the hole in the Fourteenth Amendment left by the unprotected privileges and immunities. While allowing the Court to protect some rights, the “incorporation” of certain rights through the Due Process Clause relegated other, often “economic” rights to second-class status. Instead of judges’ taking a hard look at the actual reasons a law was passed and asking whether the government has overstepped its constitutional bounds, infringements of the right to earn a living or the freedom of contract barely receive a passing glance. They are upheld unless nobody—not even the judge hearing the case!—could possibly imagine a legitimate rationale for the law. Suffice it to say, hardly any laws are struck down under this so-called rational-basis test.

Enter Ndioba Niang and Tameka Stigers, both of whom are traditional African-style hair braiders attempting to support themselves by offering their services to willing customers. The Missouri Board of Cosmetology and Barber Examiners, however, demands that they first pay thousands of dollars to receive completely irrelevant training that has virtually nothing to do with hair-braiding. Applying the usual government-can-do-whatever-it-wants-regarding-economic-regulations level of judicial scrutiny, both the federal district court and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit upheld the licensing scheme.

You Shouldn’t Need a License to Braid Hair

This approach is wrong: ethically, historically, and legally. There is a long and well-documented history recognizing the right to earn an honest living as being at the center of the Anglo-American legal tradition and indispensable to the maintenance of a free and open society. Industry insiders often lobby for licensing laws and regulations—and then populate the boards or agencies tasked with enforcing the new rules as a means of limiting their competition. By contrast, those harmed are often politically powerless groups with limited means to fight back. But as long as the government says the magic words of “safety,” “health,” or “consumer protection” in asserting its restrictions, courts are content to turn a blind eye.

Because the right to earn a living is one of the basic rights that our Constitution was formed to protect, Cato has filed an amicus brief supporting the hair-braiders’ petition to the Supreme Court. We ask that the Court take Niang v. Tomblinson and establish that courts must meaningfully examine government incursions against this essential liberty, regardless where in the Fourteenth Amendment it finds the relevant right.

The background section was reprinted with permission under license from Cato at Liberty, with additional edits from other sources. 

You Don’t Earn Much and You’re Being Audited by the IRS. Now What?

By Paul Kiel,

The Internal Revenue Service audited nearly 1.1 million tax returns last year, but that represented just 0.5 percent of all returns. That means the chances of getting audited are fairly low.

But if you are audited, there’s a good chance it’s because you claimed the earned income tax credit. That’s a credit the federal government offers to people who work, have kids to take care of and don’t earn much money. Most households who claim it earn between $10,000 and $40,000 a year. The average credit is for $2,400, but it can go above $6,000 for larger families.

The IRS audits a lot of people who claim this credit. When that happens, the IRS blocks the refund. Some people may actually end up owing tax instead of getting a refund.

Here is an actual audit notice sent to a taxpayer last year, which was provided to us by the taxpayer’s legal aid attorney. We’ve annotated it to provide important context and added links to helpful resources for those facing an IRS audit.

If you claim the credit and are audited, there’s an excellent chance it will be done entirely through the mail. Of the 1 million-plus audits the IRS conducted last year, less than three-quarters were done by mail, with the remainder by examiners in the field. But for those who claimed the earned income tax credit, nearly all — 92 percent — were done by mail.

In the example here, the audit is ongoing, meaning the IRS hasn't yet made a final determination and won’t release the refund until the audit is closed. And the forms don’t make clear why this taxpayer, or any other, is selected for an audit. But for those claiming the EITC, the main issue is typically whether they have what's called a “qualifying child.” In other words, if you are audited, it’s usually because the IRS doubts that the child or children you claimed on your tax return actually live with you or are related to you (biologically or through adoption or marriage).

Whether a child qualifies can be confusing. This IRS FAQ can be helpful.

No single IRS employee is in charge of an EITC audit. Instead, taxpayers are told to call a service center to speak with a tax examiner. If you call, you may speak with a different person every time.

This taxpayer claimed the EITC and had been expecting a refund of several thousand dollars. Instead, because the IRS believes she doesn’t qualify for the credit, she is being told that she owes $599.53. Almost all of that amount is tax, not interest or penalties.

Since this is an open audit, she doesn’t owe the money quite yet. The tax is legally owed after she receives a notice of deficiency, which would be a separate letter. This taxpayer eventually was able to reverse the IRS’ audit finding through the help of a lawyer with the Low-Income Tax Clinic program and the Taxpayer Advocate Service.

The IRS has a full rundown of potential penalties and interest charges.

Taxpayers are responsible for notifying the IRS of their current address. So if this notice goes to an old address and isn’t forwarded, the taxpayer may lose the ability to respond to the audit notice. That doesn’t mean there’s no way to undo an IRS audit after it’s done, but it’s a lot harder.

Taxpayers can respond to audits on their own. However, your chances are much better with help. If you qualify for the EITC, then you will likely qualify for free legal help. Here is a directory of Low-Income Taxpayer Clinic locations. If, when the audit is finished, the IRS still does not agree that you qualify for the credit, the next step is usually to file a petition with the U.S. Tax Court.

To qualify for assistance from a low-income clinic, your household cannot make more than 250 percent of the federal poverty level. For example, a family of four living in the contiguous U.S., Washington, D.C., or Puerto Rico has to earn less than $62,750 per year in order to qualify. And the amount in dispute generally must be less than $50,000.

Once you receive the final notice of deficiency from the IRS, you legally owe the tax. Your best option then is to file a petition in Tax Court. If you don’t file within 90 days of receiving the notice of deficiency, you lose your chance to go to Tax Court. If you don't file a petition in Tax Court, the IRS may start to try to collect the tax you owe. You may still have a chance of undoing the audit finding through an audit reconsideration process, but that can take a very long time and your chances of success are lower.

Taxpayers who qualify for the EITC generally qualify for free legal help through the Low-Income Taxpayer Clinic program.

This letter was signed by an IRS manager in Austin, Texas. These audits are generally computer-driven with minimal human interaction. However, if you respond to an audit, it will be reviewed by a human being. But that’s also why the IRS can take as long as six months to review documentation that you submitted.

Republished with permission under license from ProPublica, a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. 




Things to do when a retailer won’t exchange defective merchandise

I was happy to see the new GenX store openning in the old Aldi location at 1315 Aubert Ave, St. Louis, MO 63113. My son has made many purchases from GenX Clothing over the past few years. However, my happiness soon turned to disappointment because of two negative experiences. I decided to use experience number two as a teachable moment to help others who may experience similar issues with this or other retailers.

  1. On May 31, 2016, I took my son to GenX at 7:40 pm, the store's posted closing hours was 8 pm. The guard was outside as I entered the store and immediately informed me they were closing in five minutes and that I would be the last customer to enter. While my son was making his selections, the guard approached rather rudely at 7:46 to announce the store was closed. My son made his purchase, but did not get everything he came for and we left. There were two young ladies knocking on the door as we exited. Understandably they were both upset that the store was closed 10 minutes earlier than the posted hours. A gentleman who was parked next to my vehicle  made a negative comment about the store closing early. As far as I know there is no law that requires a merchant to honor their posted store hours. However, one of the easiest parts of operating a business is operating during posted business hours. If you can't do that, you're doing it wrong. I had to go out of my way to visit this store that day and I'm certain other customers did too. The grand openning banner was still posted outside and it's sad that they were already providing sub-par customer service. I took my son to a different store the next day. 
  2. My wife purchased a pair of jeans and other items for my son at the GenX in WestFall Plaza, 8035 W Florissant Ave, St. Louis, MO 63136. The metal fastner button came off while my son was wearing them and later the zipper broke. On Saturday, June 25, 2016, I went to the Aubert GenX and explained I wanted to exchange a pair of defective jeans purchased at the West Florissant location. When I mentioned the defective jeans were purchased a few weeks ago, I was told they had a 14-day return policy. I explained I didn't want a refund, but simply wanted to exchange. I was told the jeans could not be exchanged. I asked to speak to the manager, who was not in, but they called him. I was told to see the manager the next day and that he would be in the next morning. Coincidentally, later that same day, I ended up in WestFall Plaza with my wife and since I still had the jeans in the car, I figured I would try to exchange them there; since that was where they were purchased. I was basically told the same thing, that merchandise purchased more than 14 days ago could not be returned. This time, I actually spoke with the manager and after debating for a few moments, I asked; so GenX doesn't stand behind the merchandise they sell? I was told matter of factly, "no they don't." This is a violation of Missouri warranty law.

Under Missouri law, there's no right to cancel contracts or purchase agreements. Therefore, whether you can receive a refund is dependent on the retailer's return and refund policies. See Missouri Merchandising Practices RSMO Chapter 407. Retailers are however, still bound by Missouri's implied warranty statute.

I returned to the Aubert store about 12:30 Sunday afternoon to meet the manager I was told wanted to speak with me, but I was told that the manager had just left. I left a note and a copy of relevant Missouri State Law. 

The law recognizes two basic kinds of warranties— implied warranties and express warranties.  Section 2-314 of the Uniform Commercial Code, which is law in every state but Louisiana, covers the implied warranty of merchantability. Missouri Revised Statutes 400.2-314 states, "a warranty that the goods shall be merchantable is implied in a contract for their sale if the seller is a merchant with respect to goods of that kind." See "Understanding Warranties" for more details.

A contract consist of three elements; (1) an offer is made, (2) the offer is accepted and (3) consideration (something of value is exchanged). In a retail environment, a merchant displays merchandise with a price (offer), a purchaser decides to buy (acceptance) and then pays for the item (consideration).

Implied warranties are unspoken, unwritten promises, created by state law, that go from the seller or merchant to their customers. Implied warranties are based upon the common law principle of "fair value for money spent"

GenX is a retailer in the clothing business, therefore the garments they sell are subject to the statute and come with an implied warranty. The statute does not provide a time frame for how long garments should last. The standard is ordinary or reasonable expectation which may be affected by the type of garment, the material and the price. It is reasonable to expect that the buttons and zippers even on cheap jeans will last more than a couple of weeks. When garments don't meet minimum or reasonable expectations they are defective and it is the responsibility of the merchant to replace or repair them. In fact, I purchased a pair of $11 jeans years ago from Kmart that I do yard work in and the button and zipper still work properly.

If you have a problem with a product that you think is the result of an defect, let the manufacturer or retailer (preferably a manager) know that you'll take failure to resolve your complaint as a breach of the implied warranty. If you don't get satisfaction, you may be able to assert your rights through a credit-card chargeback. Some credit cards have refund assistance programs:  American Express Return ProtectionDiscover Return Guarantee and MasterCard Satisfaction Guarantee are all return assistance programs, though they are not available to everyone. The card issuer decides which cards get the benefit. If that doesn't work, send a letter threatening legal action. You might need to file a small-claims-court action or consult a lawyer.

How credit-card chargebacks work

If you used a credit card for a purchase and have a problem with the retailer, you may be able to obtain a chargeback from the card issuer. Federal law grants this right under two scenarios: 

Billing errors

These apply to charges you didn't authorize; that are the wrong amount; for goods that were never delivered or delivered late; and for delivered items that were misrepresented or in the wrong quantity. To make a claim, write to your issuer within 60 days of the issuing date on the statement in which the charge first appeared. State the specific reasons you think there was an error on your bill. Some issuers extend this period, but don't count on it.

Claims and defenses rule

You can request a chargeback under the claims and defenses provision for any legal reason you have to cancel a sale directly with the seller, including if there's a problem with the quality of the merchandise (implied warranty). See: 12 CFR 226.12 – Special credit card provisions. You have up to one year from the statement date to make a claim. You must meet four requirements:

  1. The disputed amount must be over $50;
  2. you must be able to prove that you made a good-faith effort to obtain a refund or credit directly from the seller;
  3. you can dispute only up to the outstanding balance on your card (if your balance is zero, you can't use this provision); and
  4. the merchant must be within 100 miles of your home and in your home state.

While you're disputing charges, you can withhold payment for the amount at issue, but you must pay the undisputed portions of your credit-card bill to avoid late fees and finance charges. A successful chargeback won't prevent the merchant from pursuing you directly for payment, including in court, if it feels the chargeback was unwarranted. However, a claim of breach of implied warranty is a valid defense.

Municipal Court Reform or Sneaky Maneuver?

The jaws of power are always open to devour, and her arm is always stretched out, if possible, to destroy the freedom of thinking, speaking, and writing. – John Adams

About 200 municipal judges, prosecutors and court administrators met in secret Friday, August 14, 2015, at UMSL to plan for Missouri court reform changes forced by Senate Bill 5, the legislation that takes effect Aug. 28.

Meetings held by public officials, especially when they concern issues as important as municipal court reform which has been the subject of public outcry and protest which gained national attention invites suspicion. It has already been well documented that St. Louis area municipal courts have been used to generate revenue and abuse rights. However, this is nothing new, municipal courts have operated this way for decades. Professor T.E. Lauer, a law professor at the University of Missouri published, "Prolegomenon to Municipal Court Reform in Missouri" a stinging indictment of the municipal courts in 1966. Professor Lauer stated in his argument:

"It must be recognized, however, that in bringing about this reform it may be necessary to overcome substantial resistance on the part of municipalities which will be reluctant to lose their power over offenses defined by state law. Not only would this reform diminish the importance of the municipal court, but more importantly it would cause a loss of revenue to municipalities, in that municipal fines, which are now paid into the municipal treasury, would become state fines to be paid to the school fund."

Missouri lawyers, judges and court personnel certainly knew the greater St. Louis municipal court system was an issue. I'm certain some Missouri Circuit Court, Missouri Court of Appeals and Missouri Supreme Court judges were at one-time municipal court judges or represented clients in municipal court and saw first hand the problems. The fact that constitutional rights of poor and minority defendants were routinely violated was known to most lawyers who after all are officers of the court. However, the vast majority of those court officers remained silent instead of bringing it to the public's attention. It appears that very few lawyers lodged formal complaints, and many attorneys profited from an unfair court system resulting in an increase in clients and fees. It's unfortunate that it took a protest movement and international attention before anyone took serious action.

In 2013, the municipal courts of St. Louis City and County collected $61,152,087 in fines and fees. During that same time, the combined total of court fines and fees collected by Missouri municipal courts was $132,032,351.63. This means that the municipal courts in the St. Louis region accounted for 46% of all fines and fees collected statewide, despite being home to only 22% of Missourians.

St. Louis area municipalities have most certainly become dependent upon the revenue generated by their municipal courts. The judges, prosecutors, and court administrators mostly likely, directly or indirectly, receive their pay, raises or bonuses based on the amount of revenue generate. Reduced municipal court revenue would probably result in job losses, which of course those in attendance at the closed meeting, would not want to fall victim to. St. Louis area municipalities have a vested interest to keep their courts because municipal courts can generate revenue in others ways besides traffic tickets. Municipalities have already stepped up enforcement of tall grass, housing code, and various other types of municipal ordinance violations.

Holding a closed meeting naturally makes people wonder if this was a strategy session to exchange ideas how to keep the revenue from municipal courts flowing. After August 28th, there will certainly be increasing municipal court revenue from fines other than traffic violations. Even if a municipality does not increase the number of violation citations, they could simply increase the standard fine from say $100 to $500.

Until people educate themselves and become familiar and active within our "justice" system, justice will remain a concept unavailable to many. If you have not already done so, become familiar with the ordinances of your municipality. Browse around this site to learn how you can help yourself with certain legal issues without having to pay for an attorney.